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Winona Lake, Indiana 

WINTER 1971 

Vol. 12 

Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive 

in 2011 witii funding from 

LYRASIS members and Sloan Foundation 


A publicafion of Grace Theological Seminary 




THE CHURCH Paul Benware 3 


IN EGYPT Jack R. Riggs 18 


NEW TESTAMENT Elmer Towns 36 



GRACE JOURNAL is published three times each year (Winter, Spring, Fall) by Grace Theological 
Seminary, in cooperation with the Grace Seminary Alumni Association. 

EDITORIAL POLICY: The editors of GRACE JOURNAL hold the historic Christian faith, and 
accept without reservation the inerrancy of Scripture and the premillennial view of eschatology. 
A more complete expression of their theological position may be found in the Statement of 
Faith of Grace Theological Seminary. The editors, however, do not necessarily endorse every 
opinion that may be expressed by individual writers in the JOURNAL. 

SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $2.00 per calendar year; single copy, 15i. 

ADDRESS: All subscriptions and review copies of books should be sent to GRACE JOURNAL. 

Copyright, 1971 , by Grace Theological Seminary. All rights reserved. 


Published by 









HOMER A. KENT, JR. , Editov 
JOHN C. WHITCOMB, JR. , Managing Editor 
S. HERBERT BESS, Book Review Editor 

GRACE JOURNAL is indexed by 




FOR MOSHER LIBRARY (Dallas Theological Seminary) 



Instructor in Bible 

Los Angeles Baptist College 

No responsible believer in Jesus Christ is happy about the pre- 
sence of such social evils as racial hatred, a spiraling crime rate, the 
liquor and drug traffic, slums and violence. He realizes that such con- 
ditions as these have the potential to destroy his society and therefore 
ought to be checked. But the problem facing the Christian and the church 
is their role in curing the ills of society. What is the church's re- 
sponsibility in the area of social problems? Should the church involve 
itself in these problems? If so, to what extent? These questions are 
not easily answered and debate goes on within the church. Hudson 
Armerding has stated the problem revealing the issue involved: "How 
may the secular world be confronted, without the probability of an ac- 
commodation that eventually will produce capitulation?"^ 

Neo -evangelicalism has declared that the church must get involved 
in the problems of society or lose its voice and impact in that society. 
It states that Fundamentalists have overreacted against the social gos- 
pel of the old modernist, thus terribly neglecting the social area. 2 

Fundamentalism, on the other hand, warns Neo -evangelicalism 
that it is taking a dangerous step, which likely will lead to the watering 
down of the complete message of the Bible, and to the further seculari- 
zation of the church. The Fundamentalist believes that the church is 
to catch fish out of the pond of sin, while the Neo -evangelical feels that 
something must be done to clean up the pond as well. 


Dr. Harold Ockenga, the "father" of neo -evangelicalism, sounded 
the keynote of the movement pertaining to social problems. 

The New Evangelicalism differs from Fundamentalism 
in its willingness to handle the social problems which 


Fundamentalism has evaded. There need be no di- 
chotomy between the personal gospel and the social 
gospel. The true Christian faith is a supernatural 
personal experience of salvation and a social philos- 
ophy .... 

Fundamentalism abdicated leadership and re- 
sponsibility in the societal realm and thus became im- 
potent to change society or to solve social problems. 
The New Evangelicalism adheres to all the orthodox 
teachings of Fundamentalism but has evolved a social 
philosophy. ^ 

This is an emphasis made by others as well. 

Nevertheless - -unlike fundamentalism - -evangeli- 
calism realizes the church has a prophetic mission to 
society .... We must . . . make evangelicalism 
more relevant to the political and sociological realities 
of our time . . . unless conservative Christian theo- 
logians take more time to point out the relevance of 
Christ and the Bible to important (social) issues con- 
servatism will be neglected by the rising generation.'* 

These men, and others, feel that it is dangerous for the church to re- 
main aloof, and that it must do something to right wrongs in the social 
structure. They believe that the gospel carries social implications with 
it, and that it is wrong to neglect them. Not only is it wrong, but it 
is also damaging to the potential witness of the church. If the church 
does not get involved, then society will become more and more secular, 
making it all the more difficult for the church to penetrate it. 

The practical question before the neo -evangelical is how he is 
going to do this without falling into the social gospel trap. The voice 
of neo-evangelicalism is neither loud nor distinct on this point. How- 
ever, most believe that the local church and the denominations can both 
be involved in implementing social concern. 

With respect to social welfare, there is much 
which can and should be done by the local church as 
well as by the denomination of which it is a part, and 
even by interdenominational fellowships . . . homes 
for the aged, children's homes .... These might 
be termed church-sponsored welfare. 

There are other agencies of social welfare which 
are not directly sponsored and controlled by church 


organizations as such. While the church is less di- 
rectly involved, there nonetheless is opportunity for 
participation and referral. 

What about church involvement in state programs? Neo-evan- 
gelicals differ on this point. Some are definitely against it, arguing 
that state programs fail to meet several criteria of Biblical social con- 
cern. Others state that since it is impossible for the church to take 
care of all society's needs, co-operation between church and state would 
be beneficial. ° 

What if these with whom you wish to co-operate do not share 
your beliefs? 

1 also believe that we should not be afraid of co-oper- 
ating with others, even those who would not fully or 
would not at all share our presuppositions.^ 

Man's sufferings must be alleviated, his needs cared 
for. Here, also, a broadened conception of common 
grace reveals itself. God is able to work through or- 
ganizations and institutions which are not expressly 
Christian. The Christian may and should co-operate 
with them, if they are the most efficient and appro- 
priate means of carrying out the social responsibilities 
of his faith. ^ 

The neo -evangelical believes that the gospel clearly implies in- 
volvement in the societal realm. This is necessary in order to make 
an impact on society for the gospel. Efficiency and impact dictate that 
social effort be done on the denominational and local church level, though 
this does not rule out the involvement of the individual in his community. 

An Analys is of Supportin g Scriptures 

The neo-evangelical spokesmen constantly speak of the social 
implications of the gospel. They claim that their position on the so- 
cial responsibility of the church is based on a solid Biblical base. It 
is necessary, therefore, to examine the primary scripture portions used 
by the neo-evangelicals in supporting their position. 

There are certain portions that keep reappearing in the writings 
of neo-evangelicals: among them are Matthew 25:31-46, James 2:14-17 
and I John 3:14-18. The teachings of these passages will be analyzed. 


along with several others that have been used. All Scripture quotations 
will be taken from the King James Version of the Bible. 

I John 3:14-18 

We know that we have passed from death unto life, 
because we love the brethren. He that loveth not his 
brother abideth in death. ... But whosoever hath this 
world's good, and seeth his brother have need, and 
shutteth up his compassions from him, how dwelleth 
the love of God in him? (vss. 14, 17) 

The neo-evangelical uses these verses to support his position on 
social responsibility, claiming that they imply the church's involvement 
in curing the societal ills of the day. After reference to this passage 
in John's epistle, Millard Erickson, an advocate of the neo-evangelical 
po s it ion , cone lude s : 

Helping others, removing suffering, evil, and injustices, 
are appropriate results of true faith in Jesus Christ 
and commitment to His purpose. The Bible does teach 
the necessity of Christian social responsibility.^ 

Using this as his Biblical base. Dr. Erickson then launches into a dis- 
cussion of the church's responsibility in social welfare and social action. 

However, inspecting these verses more closely reveals that they 
are not teaching the church's responsibility to society at all, but rather 
the Christian's responsibility to other believers. Five times, in the 
English text, John speaks of "brethren. " John questions a believer's 
profession of faith in Christ when that person can observe the needs 
(material or otherwise) of another believer and do nothing to alleviate 
those needs. The sphere of discussion here does not include the un- 
saved man nor society in general. The passage declares the practical 
outworking of faith as it is seen in the ministering to the needs of the 
brethren . Concerning this word "brethren" Westcott says: 

This is the only place in the Epistle (of 1 John) where 
this title of address is used .... It contains an 
implicit argument. By emphasizing the new relation 
in which Christians stand one to another it implies that 
this position of necessary mutual affection is charac- 
teristic of them as distinguished from other men ('the 
world') .... 'Brethren' expresses the idea of Chris- 
tian equality in virtue of the common life . . . .^^ 


Not only is society in general excluded by the word "brethren" 
but also the word order of verse 14 makes the distinction clear. The 
pronoun is in the emphatic position--"as for us," in contradistinction 
to the world. 1^ John, then, is making a careful distinction between the 
Christian and society in general. Christians are to help and aid one 
another in the practical as well as spiritual areas of life. But these 
verses neither teach nor imply the church's responsibility in curing the 
ills of society. 

James 2:14-17 

What doth it profit, my brethren, though a man 
say he hath faith and have not works ? Can faith save 
him? If a brother or sister is naked, and destitute of 
daily food, and one of you say unto them. Depart in 
peace, be ye warmed and filled; notwithstanding, ye 
give them not those things which are needful to the body, 
what doth it profit? Even so faith, if it hath not works 
is dead, being alone. 

These verses are used in the same manner as the ones previously 
cited in I John. After mentioning these verses, one neo -evangelical 
writer states: 

If we are really open to the Gospel and its implications, 
we shall have to learn again to concentrate on the social 
issues of our day. ^^ 

All sincere believers certainly want to be open to the Word of God. But 
is James teaching the neo-evangelical position on the church's social 

Again, the verses must be given a closer inspection. James is 
discussing the place of good works in the life of a believer in Jesus 
Christ. He makes the point that a profession of faith does no good to 
others if no good works are done. However, James makes it quite clear 
as to what he means by use of a specific illustration. James talks about 
doing good to a brother or sister . James is not talking about society 
in general, but rather about the Christian community. 

He (James) imagines Christians in dire need of the 

necessities of life being sent away by fellow Christians, 

not after being given those things which are needful to 

the body, but with a curt command to do something 

totally impossible. Such persons might be male or 

female, here called brother or sister, for all who are 

• 13 

disciples of Jesus are bound by close family ties. 


James is, in unmistakable language, talking about the brotherhood of 
believers, and not about the world. This passage in James cannot 
legitimately be used to support the neo -evangelical position on the 
church's social responsibility. The only conceivable way this could 
apply to the world is if one subscribed to the concept held by the old 
modernists of "the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. " 
The neo-evangelical, who diligently avoids association with the old 
social gospel, surely does not want this anti-biblical concept applied 
to his position. 

Matthew 25:31-46 

And the King shall answer and say unto them. Verily 
I say unto you. Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one 
of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto 
me. (vs. 40) 

This passage taken from the Olivet Discourse is found in the 
writings of neo-evangelicalism, allegedly supporting their viewpoint. 
This portion views a time of judgment, when the Lord credits righteous 
individuals with ministering to him because of their ministry to others. 
These are set on his right hand and given eternal life, while those on 
his left hand receive judgment. Erickson sees some definite implica- 
tions in this text of Scripture: 

Let us note the ground of this judgment. The 
elect inherit the Kingdom because they have fed Him 
when He was hungry, given Him drink when He was 
thirsty, clothed Him when He was naked, and visited 
Him when He was sick or in prison. When they ask 
when they have done all of these things, he says, "In- 
asmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these 
my brethren, ye have done it unto me" (Matthew 25:40 
KJV). The unrighteous are judged on the basis of not 
having done these things. 

Two observations emerge: 1, Deeds of com- 
passion and mercy done to anyone are equivalent to 
ministering to Jesus Himself. 2. Such practical activ- 
ity is regarded as the criterion of worthiness for the 

It is evident that Dr. Erickson has lightly skimmed this passage, 
overlooking some important facts. First, this judgment is a specific, 
not a general judgment. It takes place after the Second Coming of Christ, 
after the Tribulation period, and involves only the living gentiles. 


Kelly correctly details this: 

Those gathered before Him as "all the nations "--a term 
never used about the dead or the risen, but only applied 
to men while still going on here below, and indeed ap- 
plied only to a part of living men- -the gentile portion, 
as distinct from the Jews. For we have already had the 
Jews in chapter xxiv., and now we see the Gentiles; . . . ^^ 

It is, therefore, not proper to attempt to apply it to the church. Second, 
the neo -evangelical seems to have once again disregarded the important 
word "brethren. " Jesus states that these righteous gentiles have minis- 
tered to him when they ministered to his brethren. It is worth noting 
that Erickson changed "brethren" to "anyone. " Jesus speaks of those 
who sustain a unique, intimate relationship with Him, and not to society 
or the world in general. This is a very simple point, but of tremendous 

The Ministry of Jesus^ 

The neo -evangelical uses the ministry of Jesus as the prime ex- 
ample of ministering to needs that aren't strictly "religious" in nature. 
After viewing the miracles of mercy done by the Lord, they conclude, 
that social work is one of the responsibilities of the church. Billy 
Graham puts it this way. 

Many people have criticized the so-called "social gospel," 
but Jesus taught that we are to take regeneration in one 
hand and a cup of cold water in the other. Christians, 
above all others, should be concerned with social prob- 
lems and social injustices. 1" 

The parable of the Good Samaritan and other passages are alluded to. 
For example, here are a few representative passages used: 

Which is it easier to say to the sick of the palsy. Thy 
sins are forgiven thee; or to say. Arise, and take up 
they bed, and walk? (Mark 2:9) 

Then saith he to the man. Stretch forth thine hand. And 
he stretched it forth; and it was restored well like the 
other. (Matthew 12:13). 

And Jesus went forth, and saw a great multitude, and 
was moved with compassion toward them, and he healed 
their sick. (Matthew 14:14) 


The question is raised, "If Jesus was concerned about the social 
ills of his day, then shouldn't His church be concerned about the evils 
of its day?" This, of course, is a loaded question. To say "no" would 
cause a seeming separation from Christ Himself; to say "yes" would 
mean that perhaps the neo -evangelical position is right after all. It is 
necessary therefore to briefly analyze the- Lord's ministry.^ 

Several points need to be made regarding His ministry. First, 
a dispensational distinction must be made. The Lord ministered to the 
covenant people, Israel. His works were done in the dispensation of the 
Law, when God was working with His chosen people of Israel; and His 
works were a fulfillment of prophecy to these people. The point is that 
care must be exercised any time events of two different dispensations are 
compared. What was true in one dispensation might not be valid in 
another. Most everyone, even the non-dispensationalist, would recog- 
nize this. Jesus' ministry was not to the church, nor was it in the 
church context. Second, Jesus did not do good to just anyone in His 
ministry, but rather to the house of Israel. He was selective, though 
the neo -evangelical gives the impression He was rather indiscriminate 
in His doing good. Jesus did go about doing good- -but to the house of 
Israel almost exclusively. This is an important point. The neo-evan- 
gelicals advocate getting involved in social efforts whenever they can do 
so, no matter whom they join with. Matthew 15:21-28 is enlightening 
at this juncture. 

Then Jesus went from there, and departed into 
the borders of Tyre and Sidon, And, behold a woman 
of Canaan came out of the same borders, and cried 
unto him, saying. Have mercy on me, O Lord, thou 
Son of David; my daughter is grievously vexed with a 
demon. But he answered her not a word. And his 
disciples came and besought him, saying. Send her 
away; for she crieth after us. But he answered and 
said, I am not sent but to the lost sheep of the house 
of Israel, (vss. 21-24) 

After being rejected by the leadership of Israel, Jesus withdrew from 
the centers of Judaism into a geographical area that was gentile in its 
make up. A gentile woman approached Him, requesting that He heal 
her daughter. Jesus did not move to help her, though He could have. 
Jesus refused "to do good. " Why? Because His good works were for 
the benefit of Israel, and she was a gentile. However, she was per- 
sistent, addressing Him in messianic terms. Finally, her great demon- 
stration of faith and knowledge of the truth, brought an answer to her 
request and her daughter was healed. Jesus had a special group that 
he did good to: the people of God. 


Third, Jesus did things on an individual level, while the neo- 
evangelical emphasis is on the institutional level. This point will be 
dealt with later. Fourth, although Jesus' miracles benefitted the indi- 
vidual, they were primarily for the purpose of authenticating His message 
to Israel. Fifth, the absence of a command to the church, from the 
Lord Jesus, to enter into the world and become involved in societal 
ethics is significant. When Jesus gave His followers commands, and 
when He discussed their relationship to the world (e.g. John 16)^ he 
never once mentioned, or hinted at, involvement in society's problems 
This silence in itself ought to be a red flag of warning to the believer. 
On the other hand. He did spend some time warning His followers about 
the world, which is a Satanically dominated system. The church's min- 
istry was a spiritual one, and the Lord did not imply the involvement 
in society's problems. 

Therefore, it must be concluded that Jesus did not by example 
or by specific teaching imply that the organized church was to be in- 
volved in social problems. Individuals doing good is an entirely different 
matter and will be discussed later. 

Weakness In The Neo- Evangelical Position 

In their stated attempt to win a new respectability for orthodox 
Christianity, making it a vital force in reforming society, neo -evangel- 
icalism has placed itself in a position that is vulnerable and difficult to 
defend from a Biblical point of view. As a result, there are some 
areas of weakness. 

Their position is built on a weak Biblical base. Even from the 
survey in this article it can be seen that the neo -evangelical has made 
a poor analysis of the Scriptures. This is always the result when men 
are too anxious to find support for their ideas in the Scriptures, instead 
of allowing the Bible to speak. This weak foundation will not support the 
superstructure they wish to build. 

Their position endangers the Bible's message. Neo-evangelicalism 
does emphasize the need of individual regeneration through faith in Christ. 
However, danger exists because of its strong emphasis on the social 
aspect and application of the gospel. 

The danger lies rather in the possibility of deteriora- 
tion to what the social gospel became. Obviously then, 
the danger in this direction does not lie in what neo- 
evangelicalism now believes but in that which its present 
emphasis may very well lead it to believe and proclaim.!^ 


It is very dangerous to desire the approval of a Satanically controlled 
society, and to work hand in hand with that society even if it seems to 
benefit mankind. Neo -evangelicalism has positioned itself in this situa- 
tion, and only time will tell if it is able to resist the pull away from 
the Scriptures. 

Their position de-emphasizes certain doctrines. Certain Biblical 
truths are not being proclaimed with clarity and emphasis. One doctrine 
that is neglected is that of man's depravity. Although most neo-evangel- 
icals would subscribe to this doctrine, it is a difficult doctrine to hold 
to in social work. To emphasize man's sinfulness would hurt a social 
emphasis. Also, the whole area of eschatology has been vague, with 
the premillennial position de -emphasized. The premillennial position 
declares clearly the wretched end of man and his society; this is hardly 
a stimulus for social involvement. 

Their position confuses the idea of individual responsibility. The 
neo-evangelical does discuss individual responsibility; but as far as doing 
significant things or making vital contributions to society, his emphasis 
is on the organized church. The stress in the New Testament is upon 
the individual's doing good. The church, as an institution, has not been 
given the responsibility of entering into the culture and curing its ills. 
Any curing of ills is a by-product of the gospel on the individual level. 
Failure to make this basic distinction has placed neo-evangelicalism in 
a scripturally dangerous position. 

In summary: The motives of many neo-evangelicals are undoubt- 
edly pure. Their sincerity in many cases cannot be questioned. But pure 
motives and sincerity have never, been valid substitutes for scripturally 
correct positions. To leave the truth of God, even in reaction to the 
failures of others, is indefensible. Neo-evangelicalism does not have 
a proper view of the church's role in society. It will be our attempt 
to construct a proper position. 


The believer in Jesus Christ finds himself in the unique position 
of holding dual citizenship. He is a citizen of heaven (Philippians 3 :20) 
as well as a citizen of a country. This situation causes him to view 
his earthly society in a different way than the non-Christian who pos- 
sesses but one set of citizenship papers. The Christian's attitudes and 
motivations are to be different Ln light of his heavenly citizenship. 

The Bible speaks of both spheres of life, the heavenly and the 
earthly. What is to be the Christian's concern in the realm of the 


earthly? Does he have obligations here and now to those around him? 
By studying the Scriptures it is possible to arrive at some basic answers, 
and principles. 

An Analysis of Scripture 

The epistles are letters written to the churches and individuals 
within the churches; and it is here that we ought to discover something 
about the subject of "doing good. " Furthermore, the Book of Acts should 
be helpful since it records the activities of the church in the first decades 
of its existence. 

The Book of Acts 

When one reads the Book of Acts, he recognizes immediately that 
the early church was concerned for the physical well-being of its mem- 
bership, as well as for their souls. Those attaching themselves to the 
church were sometimes cut off from Jewish society, resulting in real 
physical needs. The church immediately dealt with the issue. The 
following passages in Acts mention the response to physical need; 
Acts 2:44, 45; 4:32-37; 5:2-4; 6:1-4; 9:36-39; 11:28-30; 16:15; 20:28ff. ; 
21:4, 8, 16. 

Several facts are gleaned from these passages, facts which can 
then be compared with the epistles. First, these believers performed 
,good works almost exclusively for the benefit of the other believers — 
the account of Dorcas in chapter 9 possibly being the only exception. 
Second, social work was done mainly because of individual initiative, 
and not by church organization and mobilization. Third, when the church 
as a whole did "good works, "these good works were always directed 
towards believers. 

The New Testament Epistles 

The epistles do discuss Christian social responsibility a great 
deal. A striking similarity to Acts is seen --which should not come 
as any surprise. The epistles teach what is given by example in Acts: 
that social concern is primarily individual and not organizational, and 
that help is directed almost exclusively to believers, with society in 
general rarely mentioned. A careful reading of some forty-six refer- 
ences in their contexts will reveal that in almost every case Christians 
are to be the recipients of the good works. ^^ 

The very bulk of the passages given should reveal the emphasis 
that good works are to be directed to the brethren. As has been noted 
before in this article, two significant passages (James 2:14-17 and 


I John 3:14-18) clearly teach the Christian's responsibility to those in 
the family of believers. This is the emphasis of the New Testament. 
There are several other passages that throw additional light on the subject. 

2 Corinthians 8:1 - 9:15 . This passage on Christian giving is 
one of the relatively few that discusses the good deeds of the church 
as a body. Here is recorded the noble ministry of the churches in 
Macedonia as they contributed funds to the saints (8:4). This is an 
instance of the organized church working in the "practical" area of 
the social problem. The church at Corinth, too, had labored in this 
regard (9:2). It is important to note that the organized church aided 
believers only. "For as touching the ministering to the saints, it is 
superfluous for me to write to you:" (2 Cor. 9:1). Churches carried on 
a ministry to the saints, not to society; and there is simply no implica- 
tion here in the text that the unsaved society is included. 

Galatians 6:10 . "As we have, therefore, opportunity, 
let us do good unto all men, especially unto them who 
are of the household of faith. " 

This verse is one of the very few that includes the unsaved in the 
social efforts of Christians. By reading the verse in its context cer- 
tain truths are found. First, it ought to be noted that this passage 
is dealing with the social efforts of individual Christians and not the 
organized church ("But let every man prove his own works," 6:4). 
Second, it must always be remembered in viewing such a verse that 
the motivation for doing social work on any level is to glorify God, and 
not simply to be relevant. Third, there is an emphasis in the verse 
that good is to be geared fundamentally towards the believer. If there 
is time and substance for the unbeliever, too, that is acceptable. It 
is more of a practical issue than a theological one here. 

The point of view is here extended beyond their teach- 
ers, to the love of the human race generally; but 
since man in the limitations of his condition finds it 
necessary to restrict himself in the actual exercise of 
love, because his means do not suffice to help all, Paul 
points especially to them who are of the household of 
faith. Thus the expression involves no restriction on 
love itself, but only a limitation on its exercise on ac- 
count of insufficient means. ^^^ 

Therefore, a believer himself is not to completely neglect mankind, but 
his emphasis is on the needs of believers, the household of faith. 

I Timothy 5:3-16. The support of widows is the subject of this 
portion of the letter to Pastor Timothy of Ephesus. This portion is 


included at this point because it reveals two significant things. First, 
the church was vitally concerned about the welfare of its own. The 
church recognized and undertook this responsibility. Second, the passage 
reveals how careful the church was in distributing its resources. The 
requirements for financial aid were rigid. The widows had to be more 
than just professing Christians in order to get relief. They had to be 
worthy, contributing members of the Christian community (e.g., vss. 4,5, 
10). Again, the practicality is obvious. The church then, as today, 
had limited resources. Its primary obligation was to distribute wisely 
to its own- -worthy ones at that. The church could have done many good 
things with their resources, but they chose to do the best things. 

I Timothy 6:17-19 . Wealthy believers are encouraged in this 
passage to use their riches for good, and by doing good they will be 
making eternal investments. The context doesn't specifically mention 
believers as the recipients, though the entire epistle would suggest this. 
In light of Galatians 6:10, we might have here a broader use of wealth 
for the glory of God. The words of the Lord in Luke 16 might well be 
a commentary on these verses. In Luke the Lord gives the parable of 
the unjust steward, in which He discusses money and its use. After 
telling of the craftiness of the stewards Jesus applied the parable to life. 
He said that the children of light ought to use their money wisely. He 
suggested that believers "make friends" of the unbelievers, using their 
money, in order to gain eternal reward. Money can be used by indivi- 
duals to influence others for Christ. Using one's wealth by investing it 
in the souls of men will pay off in eternal dividends later. 

Some important principles: cultures and societies change but the 
Scriptures are valid in every situation. After viewing the main portions 
of Scripture, this writer arrives at these basic principles on which the 
church should operate in the area of social problem. (1) Christian 
social work is primarily an individual responsibility. (2) Christian social 
work is to be directed towards alleviating the needs of fellow Christians. 
(3) The organizational church is to work only for the betterment of born- 
again persons. ® There is no indication anywhere in the New Testament 
that the church can align itself formally or informally with society in 
order to bring about social change. (5) Individual Christians are first 
to help believers, but are also directed to use some of their remaining 
resources as occasion permits to help the unbeliever for the glory of God. 

To some these principles may seem selfish. But it must be re- 
membered that the church and individuals have only limited resources 
and these are to be used to the best advantage: helping believers. There 
is also a great truth underlying these principles, and the Scriptures from 
which they are derived. If the Christian community would actively min- 
ister to the individual needs of its members, then the unsaved would 


identify these as true followers of Christ and be attracted to them. This 
is the idea behind the words of the Lord in John 13:34,35. 

A new commandment I give unto you, that ye love one 
another; as I have loved you, that ye also love one 
another. By this shall all men know that ye are my 
disciples, if you have love one to another. 

In the passage, Jesus by His own actions (vss. 4-7) and by His 
teachings (vss. 12-17) reveals that genuine love and concern for fellow 
believers is demonstrated by meeting their needs. This active concern 
for each other would be the identifying mark to the unbeliever. A happy, 
ministering group of believers, using their resources to help one another 
will attract men, and will be a great aid in evangelization. And if be- 
lievers would indeed become active in social work within the family, the 
impact would be felt in secular society today in the same way as the 
first century. Trying to win a favorable smile from the pagan society 
by social action within that society is doing the job backwards and will 

The neo -evangelical advocates an involvement in societal ethics 
that he finds difficult to support from the Scriptures. He wants the 
church as an institution to become active in social affairs. He is 
shifting from a ministry to the saved to work for the unsaved. He 
seems to want to use the church's resources on that which may be good, 
but is not the best. 

The Bible does command and encourage Christians to become in- 
volved in the lives of others. Believers are to aid believers; and it 
is here that our responsibility starts and for the most part remains. 
To attempt another approach is folly, no matter how noble are the motives 
and the objectives. Let us follow the principles of the Scriptures, and 
let us do good„ 



1. Hudson T. Armerding, "The Evangelical in the Secular World, " 
Bibliotheca Sacra, Vol. 127 (April-June, 1970), 129. 

2. Millard Erickson, The New Evangelical Theology (Westwood, New 
Jersey: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1968), p. 181, 182. 

3. Harold Ockenga, news release, December 8, 1957 

4. "Is Evangelical Theology Changing?" Christian Life , March, 
1956, p. 4. 

5o Erickson, The New Evangelical Theology , p. 183. 

6. Ibid, p. 187 

7. Klaas Runia, "Evangelical Responsibility in a Secularized World, 
" Christianity Today, XIV Qune 19, 1970), 14. 

8. Erickson, The New Evangelical Theology , p. 203. 

9. Ibid, p. 187. 

10. B. F. Westcott, The Epistles of St. John, 2nd ed. (London: 
Macmillan and Co. , 1886), pp. HI, 112. 

11. Kenneth Wuest, In These Days (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans 
Publishing Co. , 1954), p. 152. 

12. Runia, "Evangelical Responsibility in a Secularized World, "p. 14. 

13. R. V. G. Tasker, The General Epistle of James (Grand Rapids: 
Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1957), p. 64. 

14. Erickson, The New Evangelical Theology , pp. 184, 185. 

15. William Kelly, Lectures on the Gospel of Matthew (London: 
A. S. Rouse, 1896), p. 254. 

16. Billy Graham, Peace with God (New York: Doubleday and Co. , 
Inc., 1953), p. 190. 

17. Robert P. Lightner, Neo- Evangelicalism (Des Plaines, Illinois: 
Regular Baptist Press, 3rd ed. , 1969), p. 148. 

18. Ibid, pp. 103, 104, 106, 107. 

19. Romans 12:13; 13:3, 7; 15:25; 16:2,6; I Cor. 3:13; 10:24; 12:25 
16:1, 17; 2 Cor. 5:10; 8:2; 9:lff. ; 11:9; Galatians 5:13; 6:2, 10 
Ephesians 2:10; 4:28; 6:7; Philippians 2:4, 30; 4:10-15,17 
Colossians 1:10; 2:23; I Thess. 4:10; I Timothy 3:2; 5:3; 6:17f. 
2 Timothy 4:17; Titus 1:8; 2:14; 3:14; Philemon vs. 21; Hebrews 
10:24; 13:1, 2, 16; James 1:26, 27; 2:14; I Peter 2:12; 4:9, 10; 
I John 3:14; 2 John vs. 10; 3 John vs. 5, 6, 8. 

20. Hermann Olshausen, Biblical Commentary on the New Testament 
Translated by A. C. Kendrick. (New York: Sheldon and Co., 
1861), p. 582. 



Associate Professor of Bible 

Cedarville College 

The chronological framework of Biblical events from the time of 
Abraham to David rests upon two pivotal texts of Scripture. The first 
is I Kings 6:1, which dates the Exodus from Egypt 480 years before the 
fourth year of Solomon. 

The second pivotal date for the Biblical chronology of this period 
is Exodus 12:40 which dates the arrival of Jacob's family in Egypt years 
before the Exodus. 

The purpose of this paper will be to discuss the problem of the 
length of Israel's sojourn in Egypt. This problem is important, as 
already suggested, because it has to do with dating events in the cen- 
turies prior to the Exodus. 

There are at least three possible solutions to the problem of the 
length of Israel's Egyptian sojourn. The first view is that the time span 
of the sojourn was only 215 years. A second solution is the view of 400 
years for the sojourn. The third, and final, solution to be discussed is 
the idea that 430 years elapsed between the entrance of Jacob and his 
family into Egypt and their Exodus under Moses' leadership. 

The View That The Egyptian 
Sojourn Was 215 Years 

The most commonly held view of the length of Israel's sojourn 
in Egypt is the 215 year idea. To state the view simply, the chrono- 
logical notations of Genesis 15:13, 

This article was presented as a paper at the Midwestern Section meet- 
ing of the Evangelical Theological Society on April 17, 1970, at Grace 
Theological Seminary. 



And he said unto Abram, Know of a surety that thy seed 
shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs and shall 
serve them; and they shall afflict them four hundred 

and Exodus 12:40, 

Now the sojourning of the children of Israel, who dwelt 
in Egypt, was four hundred and thirty years, 

include sojourns in both Canaan and Egypt. From this it is argued that 
approximately 215 years were spent in Canaan and 215 years in Egypt. 

Among the proponents of this view are Anstey,! Meyer,^ Eadie,^ 
Alford4 and McDonald. ^ 

Anstey is possibly its leading adherent. He reckons the 430 years 
of Exodus 12:40 from Abraham's call to the Exodus, and considers the 
400 years of Genesis 15:13 as embracing the same period, but beginning 
with the weaning of Isaac. " According to Anstey the Genesis passage has 
to do with the sojourning of Abraham's seed. As he has explained: 

Abraham's seed here means Abraham's posterity, vi2., 
Isaac from the time that he was weaned and became 
Abraham's heir (Gal. 3:29-4:5) and Isaac's descend- 
ants. 7 

Holding to the idea that an oriental child was weaned at age five , 
the conclusion is that the 400 years of Genesis 15 began when Isaac was 
five years old. ^ 

Adding these five years plus the twenty-five years that elapsed 
between Abraham's call and Isaac's birth to the 400 years of Exodus 
12:40 makes the harmonious chronological scheme. ^ 

Another argument is his interpretation of the phrase " a land 
that is not theirs " in Genesis 15:13. Since Canaan was actually never 
possessed by Abraham's seed before the conquest under Joshua, then 
the 400 years must include both that land and Egypt. ^^ The interpre- 
tation also of McDonald is significant here as he sees the phrase as 
being more appropriately applied to Canaan. He has written: 

While no particular country is specified, the appellation 
"a land that is not theirs" was, as regards Abraham 
and his immediate posterity, more applicable to Canaan 
than it was to Egypt during the sojourn there. Up to 


the time when it was taken possession of by Joshua, 
Canaan, though the "land of promise", was in every 
sense a strange ( allotria Heb. xi. 9, comp. ac. ii. c), 
land, Abraham or his posterity having no possession 
in it beyond a place of sepulture, and no fixed dwell- 
ing place, whereas in Egypt they had the land of Goshen 
by royal grant. ^^ 

In connection with this Anstey does not see the servitude and 
affliction mentioned in the verse as applying to the Canaan sojourn. He 
skirts the necessity of applying these to the entire four hundred years by 
the use of an introversion. In other words he breaks down the passage 
so that it is constructed in the following manner: 

Know of a surety that 

A. thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is 

not theirs, 

B. and shall serve them; 

B. and they shall afflict them; 
A. four hundred years. 


In this construction the two A clauses correspond to each other 
and relate to the same event, that is, the whole period of the sojourn- 
ing. The two B clauses likewise correspond and are parenthetical and 
relate to the servitude in Egypt and that alone. 

A third argument used to establish the extent of the sojourn is 
the variant readings to the Massoretic text of Exodus 12:40. The Sep- 
tuagint and the Samaritan Pentateuch both include Canaan in the 430 year 
sojourn. The Septuagint version is as follows: 

The sojourning of the children of Israel which they so- 
journed in Egypt and in the land of Canaan, was four 
hundred and thirty years. 

The Samaritan Pentateuch reads: 

And the sojourn of the children of Israel and of their 
fathers in the land of Canaan and in the land of Egypt . 

The clause "and in the land of Canaan" of the Septuagint, and 
the clause "and of their fathers in the land of Canaan" of the Samaritan 
Pentateuch are not supported by any other manuscript evidence. 

Anstey finds support in these variants while not contradicting the 
Massoretic text. He believes that the Septuagint and Samaritan insertions 


. . . agree perfectly with the Hebrew which is fur- 
ther elucidated, but in no way modified by them. They 
correctly interpret the meaning of the Hebrew text . . . . 
But the meaning of the Hebrew is sufficiently clear 
without the explanatory addition when the text is prop- 
erly translated. 13 

To summarize at this point, the major premise for the 215 year 
view is the interpretation of Genesis 15:13 and Exodus 12:40 as referring 
harmoniously to both the Canaan and Egyptian sojourns. The support 
for this is the view that the seed of Abraham, beginning with Isaac, was 
to dwell in a land not their own , which included Canaan. At the same 
time the variant readings of Exodus 12:40 interpret that passage as 
bringing the two sojourns into one. 

The final support for reckoning the 430 years from Abraham to 
Sinai is the implication of Galatians 3:17. This verse, speaking of the 
covenant of the law which came many years after the Abrah-amic prom- 
ise, reads as follows: 

Now this I say: A covenant confirmed beforehand by 
God, the law, which came four hundred and thirty years 
after doth not disannul, so as to make the promise of 
none effect. 

The implication of this verse is important to the view under con- 
sideration. Fergusson sees this verse as indicating the space of 430 
years to be reckoned 

. . . from the first solemn sanction and confirmation 
of the covenant by God to Abraham . . . and the close 
of it was at the giving of the law upon Mount Sinai . . . . 

This supposed interpretation by Paul of the 430 years is also 
considered by Meyer to be an evidence that Paul used the Septuagint at 
this point, 15 which in turn gives support to that version's interpretation 
of Exodus 12:40. 

It is from the standpoint of the major premise of 430 years for 
the Canaan and Egyptian sojourns that the time span of the latter sojourn 
is calculated. The time from Abraham's call to Jacob's entrance into 
Egypt can be determined by particular references in Genesis. According 
to Genesis 21:5 Isaac was born when Abraham was 100 years old or 
twenty-five years after Abraham entered Canaan (Gen. 12:4). Jacob was 
born when Isaac was 60 years old (Gen. 25:26) and entered Egypt at age 
130 (Gen. 47:9). The total of the figures of 25, 60 and 130 would be 


215, the time span of the Canaan sojourn. Subtracting this figure from 
430 would leave a similar amount of time for Israel's stay in Egypt. 

In order to demonstrate the validity of 215 years in Egypt, sev- 
eral arguments are put forth, the principal one being the genealogy of 
Jochebed. According to Exodus 6:16-20 and Numbers 26:59, Jochebed 
was the daughter of Levi, who went into Egypt, and the mother of Moses 
who led the children of Israel out. If the sojourn in Egypt was 430 
years, she would have to be over 250 years old when Moses was born. 
This conclusion is reached by deducting the number of years Levi lived 
in Egypt, approximately 94, and the age of Moses at the Exodus, 80, 
from the 430 years. Ellicott summarizes the problem as follows: 

Amram, grandson of Levi, marries his father's sister 
Jochebed (Exod. 6:20; comp. Exod. 2:1; Numb. 26:59). 
Now as it appears probable by a comparison of dates 
that Levi was born when Jacob was about 87, Levi would 
have been 43 when he came into Egypt; there he lives 
94 years (Exod. 6:16). Assuming then even that Jochebed 
was bom in the last year of Levi's life, she must at 
least have been 256 years old when Moses was born, 
if the sojourn in Egypt be 430 years . . . .^ 

Consequently, the 215 year view of the Egyptian sojourn is con- 
sidered more reasonable as it does not demand such an inconceivable 
age for Jochebed. McDonald, making his deductions from the 215 year 
hypothesis, suggests an approximate age of 45 for Jochebed at Moses' 
birth. 17 

Anstey's Joseph to Moses connection is his further demonstration 
of a short Egyptian sojourn. He subtracts the time span from the call 
of Abraham to the death of Joseph, 286 years, and the age of Moses at 
the Exodus, 80, from his 430 year figure of both sojourns and arrives 
at a 64 year interval between Joseph and Moses. ^^ This time period 
would allow for the events that took place between the two men (Exodus 

The proponents of this view see no difficulty in harmonizing the 
population increase of Israel in such a short period of 215 years. Anstey 
first of all, sees confirmation of the 600,000 male population in the 
later notices in Numbers 2:32 and 26:51. ^^ He then argues that such 
an increase is not beyond comprehension: 

Mr. Malthus has shown that with an abundant supply 
of food, a given population may continue to double its 
numbers in about 15 years, and in favored cases, in 



even less time. At this rate of increase the 70 souls 
who went down into Egypt would have multiplied in 225 
years to 2,293,760, which is perhaps about the number 
of the entire population including Levites, women and 
children; the 600,000 mentioned in Exodus 12:37, Numb. 
2:32 and 26:51, would be the adult males. 


Others, such as Moller, have attributed the phenomenal growth 
simply to Divine blessing. ^-"^ 

To summarize, the view of a 215 year sojourn in Egypt is first 
of all based upon the idea that the period from the call of Abraham to 
the Exodus was 430 years. This idea is derived from the interpreta- 
tion and harmonization of Genesis 15:13 and Exodus 12:40. Genesis 
15:13 is interpreted in reckoning the sojourn of Abraham's seed in a 
land not their own from the weaning of Isaac. This interpretation is 
further supported by adopting the Septuagint and Samaritan Pentateuch 
readings of Exodus 12:40, which include both Canaan and Egypt in the 
430 year span. 

Within this framework of time, the time of the sojourning in 
Canaan, determined by references in Genesis, is deducted from the 430 
year period leaving 215 years for Israel's stay in Egypt. This is then 
demonstrated by the genealogy of Jochebed and the short span of years 
between Joseph and Moses. At the same time, the increase in the He- 
brew population in Egypt does not invalidate such a short period of time , 

There are, however, several objections to this interpretation. 
To begin, while the Genesis 15:13 passage does clearly indicate that 
the 400 year sojourning is to be the experience of Abraham's seed, 
yet the verse does not specify the reckoning of this period to begin 
with Isaac. 

A second objection is to the interpretation of the phrase "a land 
not their own" in the same passage. While it is true that the Israelites 
did not take possession of the land of Canaan until Joshua's day, yet the 
land was still theirs. The very context of the passage is concerned with 
deeding the land to Abraham and his posterity. The land not their own 
was in direct contrast to the land of Canaan. Beet has very aptly re- 

It is also difficult to suppose that in Gen. XV. 13 the 
'land not theirs,' in which Israel was to dwell 400 years 
and which seems to be contrasted with the land promised 
to Abraham, includes both Egypt and Canaan, countries 
so different in their relation to Israel. ^^ 


Thirdly the passage refers to servitude and affliction during the 
period of the 400 years. The children of Abraham did not serve others 
in Palestine, nor were they afflicted by their neighbors in Canaan. ^'^ 
Anstey's introversion of Genesis 12:13 is really a circumnavigation of 
the real sense of the verse. 24 

Keil and Delitzsch have suggested the importance of the passage 
as follows: 

By this revelation Abram had the future history of his 
seed pointed out to him in general outlines, and was 
informed at the same time why neither he nor his de - 
scendants could obtain immediate possession of the prom- 
ised land, viz. , because the Canaanites were not yet 
ripe for the sentence of extermination.^^ 

The fourth objection is to the interpretation of Exodus 12:40 as 
based upon the variant readings. In refutation of this supporting evi- 
dence it may be said the more reliable text is the Massoretic text. ^6 
The implication of the Hebrew text is that the residence in Egypt oc- 
cupied the whole 430 year period. It would certainly be more natural 
in reckoning the time of the departure from Egypt to give the length of the 
sojourn there than the period elapsed since Abraham entered Canaan.27 

While the context of the Galatians passage would seem to support 
the idea of 430 years elapsing between Abraham's call and the law, a 
possible solution is that Paul may be looking at periods or ages. This 
will be discussed later. 

The objection, the fifth, here is that support could be rendered 
to the 215 year view if it could be determined that Paul used the Sep- 
tuagint. In discussing this point, Ridderbos concludes that it is im- 
possible to determine Paul's chronological source: 

The LXX transmits Ex. 12:40 in such a way that the 
time in which Israel was in Egypt and in Canaan came 
to 430 years. There is, however, no equivalent for 
the words kai en gei chanaan in the Hebrew text. It 
is therefore impossible for us to determine whether and 
in what sense Paul takes his figure from one or another 
of these data. ^ 8 

Such being the case, the final interpretation of Galatians 3:17 
can not be based on the Septuagint. This relieves one from the neces- 
sity of supporting a 215 year Egyptian sojourn at this point, or from 
facing the definite problem of Paul's use of an inaccurate source. 



A sixth objection is the insistence on a strict genealogical re- 
cord of Exodus 6:16-20. This is admittedly a difficult problem. Keil 
and Delitzsch argue that the genealogical records are very often in- 
complete due to missing links. Their argument is as follows: 

The genealogies do not always contain a complete enu - 
meration of all the separate links, but very frequently 
intermediate links of little importance are omitted. ^" 

Keil and Delitzsch then demonstrate this by a comparison of Exo- 
dus 6:16-20 with the other genealogies in which more than four genera- 
tions between Levi and Moses must have occurred.^^ Numbers 26:29ff, 
27:1, and Joshua 17:3 show six generations from Joseph to Zelophehad. 
Ruth 4:18 and I Chronicles 2:5, 6 show six generations from Judah to 
Nahshon who was a tribal prince in the time of Moses. I Chronicles 
2:18 lists seven generations from Judah to Bezabel. The most signifi- 
cant is possibly I Chronicles 7:20 which lists nine or ten generations 
from Joseph to Joshua. Keil and Delitzsch significantly have commented: 

This last genealogy shows most clearly the impossi- 
bility of the view founded upon the Alexandrian version 
that the sojourn of the Israelites in Egypt lasted only 
215 years; for ten generations, reckoned at 40 years 
each, harmonize very well with 430 years, but cer- 
tainly not with 215.3^ 

Archer sees the same problem, although from a slightly dif- 
ferent reckoning. His conclusion is that 

. . . ten generations can hardly be reconciled with a 
mere 215 years (especially considering the longer life 
span of pre-Exodus Israelites), but it fits in very plau- 
sibly with an interval of 430 years. ^^ 

The genealogy of Jochebed, then, does not support a short so- 
journ of 215 years in Egypt due to the problem of missing links in the 
genealogy itself. 

Added to this is Thiele's statement: 

That some considerable period was involved is clear 
from the fact that Joseph before his death saw the chil- 
dren of the third generation of both his sons (Gen. 
50:23), and that at the time of Exodus Amram and his 
brothers were already regarded as founders of clans 
(Num. 3:27). 33 


The increase from 70 to approximately one million Hebrews 
does in reality militate against the 215 year view. This is the final 
objection to the idea. It is certainly admitted that such an increase is 
Divinely possible in 215 years. In fact, even in the 430 year view the 
Divine blessing of Exodus 1:20 should be cited. Yet, the tremendous 
increase of the nation seems more plausible during a 430 year period. 
The problem of increase is more paramount with only 215 years of so- 
journing. Archer views the problem as follows: 


If there were indeed only four generations, then the 
rate of multiplication would necessarily have been as- 
tronomic. Even if seven generations should be crammed 
into the 215 years, there would have had to be an aver- 
age of four surviving sons per father. ^^ 

In conclusion, from a study of the lines of evidence, an Egyp- 
tian bondage of 215 years was highly improbable and unlikely. 

The View That The Egyptian 
Sojourn Was 400 Years 

Rea^^ and Hoehner^^ favor the position of a 400 year Egyptian 

Rea proceeds to establish this idea by first of all accepting the 
Septuagint and Samaritan Pentateuch readings of Exodus 12:40. The 430 
years of that verse would thus apply to both Canaan and Egypt. ^^ How- 
ever, Rea reckons the beginning of this period not from Abraham's call, 
but from Jacob's return from Haran to Canaan with his family. Jacob's 
name was confirmed as Israel at that time. The grounds for this is an 
emphasis upon the phrase "the children of Israel" which is found in the 
Exodus 12 verse. To quote Rea: 

The verse therefore states the length of time which 
elapsed from the return of Jacob from Haran to Canaan 
with his children, unto the departure of the Israelites 
from Egypt. The "exodus" of Jacob along with his 
family from Padan-aram is compared with the exodus 
of Moses accompanied by the nation of Israel from 
Egypt. Even when we adopt the longer reading in Ex- 
odus 12:40, the 430 years cannot cover the entire pa- 
triarchal age and the sojourn in Egypt, that is, from 
Abraham's arrival in Canaan until the Exodus. The 
verse distinctly says "the time that the children of 
Israel dwelt," and that cannot be made to include Abra- 

ham and Isaac. "^^ 


Galatians 3:17 is viewed as giving support to this in stating that 
the 430 year period began with the confirmation, not the institution, of 
the Abrahamic covenant. The last confirmation was made with Jacob in 
Canaan years before the entrance into Egypt (Gen. 35:9-15).^^ 

The next step is to subtract the intervening time between Jacob's 
return to Canaan and his entrance into Egypt from the 430 years. This 
leaves approximately 400 years for the Egyptian sojourn and produces a 
harmony of Exodus 12:40 with Genesis 15:13 and Acts 13:19, 20. Com- 
menting on Acts 13:19, 20 Rea makes his conclusion as follows: 

According to the Apostle Paul, then, the time that the 
Israelites spent in Egypt was only four hundred years 
instead of 430 years. The slightly shorter period ac- 
cords with the four hundred years of Gen. 15:13 and 
almost exactly with the 430 years of Ex. 12:40 (Samar- 
itan Pentateuch and Septuagint Versions), thirty-four of 
which were spent in Canaan before Jacob and his sons 
descended into Egypt to sojourn there. '*^ 

Rea believes that the Acts 13:19, 20 chronological note gives 
strong support for his view. In dealing with the textual problem con- 
nected with this passage, he has chosen the text of the Alexandrian 
family, the Latin Vulgate and the Armenian Version and made the follow- 
ing translation of the latter half of verse twenty: 

He gave them their land for an inheritance --about four 
hundred and fifty years. And after these things He 
gave them judges until Samuel the prophet. ^^ 

This would mean 400 years for the Egyptian bondage, 40 years 
for the wilderness journey, and 7 years for the conquest of the land 
under Joshua's leadership, making a total of 447 years or "about 450 
years" as the text states. 

This is of course the alternative to the King James Version, 
based on the Byzantine texts, which places the four hundred and fifty 
years after the phrase "he gave unto them judges. " This positioning 
of the figure would tend to indicate that it was meant to apply to the 
period of the judges instead of the Egyptian sojourn. ^2 

The first objection to this view is the use of the Septuagint and 
Samaritan renderings of Exodus 12:40. As already noted the Massoretic 
text is the more reliable text and its rendering of the passage does not 
include Canaan with Egypt in the 430 years. To include a Canaan so- 
journ in the reference does seem to be contrary to the point of the 


reference which was to give the years spent in Egypt at the time of 
their termination. 

To make the sojourning run from the return of Jacob to Canaan 
to the Exodus on the basis of the use of the appellation "the children 
of Israel" does seem rather forced. 

A third objection is the restriction of the beginning of the 430 
year period of Galatians 3 to the confirmation of the covenant in Gepesis 
35 when Jacob returned to Canaan. The last confirmation of the cove- 
nant to Jacob could very well be seen in Genesis 46 when he entered 
Egypt. As he journeyed to Egypt the Lx)rd encouraged him and promised 
to make a great nation of him while in that land. The promise of a 
great posterity had its roots in the covenant and consequently its re- 
iteration was another confirmation of its provisions. The 430 years 
would subsequently run from Jacob's entrance into Egypt until the Exodus 
under Moses' leadership. 

In conclusion, this view does not seem to explain adequately the 
Biblical data. 

The View That The Egyptian 
Sojourn Was 430 Years 

This second most prevalent view simply states the length of 
Israel's sojourn in Egypt was 430 years. This period began with 
Jacob's entrance into Egypt and terminated with the Exodus. 

Some of the proponents of this view are Keil and Delitzsch , 
Kitchen. 49 

Archer, 44 Leupold, 45 Toussaint,46 Lenski,47 Jamieson, Fausset and 

Basically, this view takes Genesis 15:13-16; Exodus 12:40 and 
Acts 7:6 in their normal sense. The Genesis 15 passage refers to the 
sojourn in a land not theirs when God has just deeded Palestine to 
Abraham and his seed (cf. 15:7, 18). Along with this it is also noted 
that Abraham's children did not serve others in Palestine, nor were 
they afflicted by their neighbors in Canaan. ^^ 

The 400 years of the passage is to be considered as a rounded 
number used in prophetic style^ with the fourth generation reference of 
verse 16 denoting the same period of time. Archer has significantly 

It is evident that in Abraham's case a generation 
was computed at one hundred years, and this was 


appropriate enough in view of the fact that Abraham 
was precisely one hundred when he became the father 
of Isaac. At least four centuries, then, and not a 
, mere 215 years, would mark the Israelite sojourn in 
the foreign land. ^2 

An objection has been raised to the view under discussion be- 
cause of the idea of a rounded number being used. The thought is that 
such an interpretation could allow too much liberty in the interpretation 
of other numbers in the Bible and consequently do damage to the doc- 
trine of inspiration. ^3 However, if it can be shown that the Bible does 
use rounded numbers then the doctrine of inspiration is in no way af- 
fected. 54 Paul, for example, in Acts 13 suggested such a use when he 
used the phrase "about the space of" in summarizing the years of the 
Egyptian bondage, the wilderness wanderings and the conquest of Canaan . 
The author of II Samuel rounds off the years of David's reign at 40 and 
then explains that the reign was actually composed of 7 years and 6 
months at Hebron and 33 years at Jerusalem (II Sam. 5:4, 5). The enu- 
meration of Job's possessions must have involved the use of rounded 
numbers for it would have been trivial for the author to have given an 
odd ten or fifty or hundred in figures running into thousands. 55 

The Bible then, does contain rounded numbers. The real issue 
is determining, mainly by context, the use of such figures in any one 

The normal literal sense of Exodus 12:40, with the Massoretic 
text being preferred, is a 430 year Egyptian sojourn for Israel. 

The Acts 7:6 passage is evidently a quote of Genesis 15:13. It 
reads as follows: 

And God spake on this wise, that his seed should sojourn 
in a strange land, and that they should bring them into 
bondage and treat them ill, four hundred years. 

Chadwick sees Peter quoting 

. . . plainly and confidently the prediction that the seed 
of Abraham should be four hundred years in bondage and 
that one nation should entreat them evil four hundred 
years .... 56 

A second argument for this view is the support of Acts 13:19, 20. 
Following the A. S. V. , which is based on B, Aleph, A, and C, the 
four best texts according to Westcott and Hort, 57 the four hundred and 


fifty years, which preceded the period of the judges, would include the 
rounded number of 400 for the Egyptian sojourn. Lenski has arranged 
the chronology of the passage as follows: 

The round number "about 450 years" covers the time 
for the sojourn in Egypt to the possession of Canaan. 
According to Acts 7:6 (Gen. 15:13) 400 years were spent 
in Egypt, forty additional years in the journey through 
the desert to Canaan, and about ten further years for 
conquering the land which is certainly close to 450 
years. ^° 

A third argument is the genealogical tables in I Chronicles 7:20-27 , 
indicating nine or ten generations between Joseph and Joshua. As already 
suggested ten generations can hardly be reconciled with a mere 215 years. 

From this a fourth argument is derived. The increase of the 
Hebrew population from 70 to approximately one million is more plaus- 
ible with nine or ten generations in 430 years than with three or four 
generations in 215 years. Such an increase in 215 years is very dif- 
ficult to comprehend, although it is divinely possible, of course. 

Archer has demonstrated the plausibility of the increase in 430 
years in the following quotation: 

If the sojourn lasted 430 years, then the desired mul- 
tiplication would result from an average of three sons 
and three daughters to every married couple during the 
first six generations, and an average of two sons and 
two daughters in the last four generations. At this 
rate, by the tenth generation there would be (accord- 
ing to Delitzsch, Pentateuch, 11, 30) 478,224 sons above 
twenty by the four hundreth year of the sojourn, while 
125,326 males of military age would still be left over 
from the ninth generation. These together, then, would 
total 603,550 men at arms.^^ 

The problem in connection with this genealogical consideration is 
the genealogical line in Exodus 6:16-20. This is admittedly a difficult 
problem. The solution may very well be that there were two men by 
the name of Amram in this line. "^ Amram, the son of Kohath, was 
probably an earlier ancestor of Amram, the father of Moses. 

In fact, a simple comparison of this genealogy with Numbers 
3:27, 28 will show the impossibility of assuming that the father of Moses 
in verse 20 was the son of Kohath mentioned in verse 18. According 


to Numbers 3:27, 28 the Kohathites were divided (in Moses' time) into 
the four branches, Amramites, Isharites, Hebronites, and Uzzielites, 
who consisted together of 8,600 men and boys. If divided equally a 
fourth, or 2,150 men, would belong to the Amramites. According to 
Exodus 18:3, 4, Moses himself had only two sons. Consequently, if 
Amram the son of Kohath, and tribal father of the Amramites, was the 
same person as Amram the father of Moses, Moses must have had 
2,147 brothers and brothers' sons. But this would be absolutely im- 
possible and it must be granted that an indefinitely long list of genera- 
tions has been omitted between the former and latter descendant of the 
same name. 61 

Kitchen argues that Exodus 6:16-20 gives the tribe (Levi), clan 
(Kohath) and family-group (Amram by Jochebed) to which Moses and 
Aaron belong and not their actual parents. °2 

In connection with this 430 year view, there is the problem of 
Paul's statement in Galatians 3:17 which seems to indicate the time 
from Abraham to Sinai was 430 years. 

Some possible solutions have been suggested. Lenski's sugges- 
tion is that the time is an understatement on the part of Paul. His pur- 
pose was to convince his opponents the number could have been larger 
by understating it. ^^ This is, however, a very weak argument and 
does not fit the exactness that characterizes the Apostle in his writings 
(cf. 1:16-2:21). 

A second solution has been given by Jamieson, Fausset and Brown , 
The assertion of this view is that the 430 years are to be reckoned from 
Jacob to the giving of the law. ^4 The objection to this view is that the 
context of Galatians 3 concerns Abraham and not Jacob. 

A more satisfactory solution is the one offered by Toussaint 
which is as follows: 

Paul here is considering periods of time. The promises 
were given during the lives of Abraham, Isaac, and 
Jacob. This period of time preceded the giving of the 
Mosaic law at Sinai by 430 years, the length of the 
sojourn in Egypt. °^ 

As previously discussed, the last recorded confirmation is given 
in Genesis 46 when Jacob went down into Egypt. From this last re- 
corded confirmation to the Exodus 430 years elapsed. 

In conclusion, the 430 year view is based upon a normal inter- 
pretation of Exodus 12:40 which indicates a 430 year Egyptian sojourn 


for Israel. Genesis 15:13-16 and Acts 7:6 are interpreted as contain- 
ing rounded numbers. This is true also of Acts 13:19, 20 which sum- 
marizes the "about" 450 years before the judges. 

Further confirmation of this view is the genealogical table of 
I Chronicles 7:20-27 which indicates at least nine or ten generations be- 
tween Joseph and Joshua, making the increase from 70 to approximately 
one million more plausible. The problem of Amram in Exodus 6:16-20 
can be answered by the argument of there being two men in that line by 
that name. 

The interpretation of Galatians 3:17 is answered by the sugges- 
tion Paul is referring to periods or ages, i.e., 430 years elapsed be- 
tween the period of the confirmation of the Abrahamic covenant and the 
beginning of the period of the law. 


The purpose of this study has been to consider three solutions 
to the problem of the length of Israel's sojourn in Egypt. The views 
of 215 years and 400 years are rejected as inadequate basically be- 
cause of their interpretation of Exodus 12:40, i.e., their acceptance 
of the Septuagint and Samaritan Pentateuch readings of the verse in 
contra -distinction to the Massoretic text. 

The view of 430 years is set forth as the true solution to the 
problem, being based upon the better text, the Massoretic, and pro- 
perly interpreting the pertinent scripture references in their normal 


1. Martin Anstey, The Romance of Bible Chronology (London : 
Marshall Brothers, 1913), p. 114. 

2. H. A. W. Meyer, The Epistle to the Galatians (Edinburgh: T. 
and T. Clark, 1873), p. 167. 

3. John Eadie, A Commentary on the Greek Text of the Epistle of 
Paul to the Galatians (Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, 1869), p. 260. 

4. Henry Alford, The Greek Testament (Chicago: Moody Press, 
1958), III. IV., 31. 

5. Donald McDonald, "Chronology", The Imperial Bible Dictionary. 
Ed. Patrick Fairbairn (London: Blackie and Son, 1887), p. 31. 

6. Anstey, p. 117. 

7. Ibid. 


Ibid., p. 114. 
Ibid. , p. 117. 

McDonald, p. 31. 
Anstey, p. 127. 
Ibid. , p. 129. 

James Fergusson, An Exposition of the Epistles of Paul, Evans- 
ville, Indiana: Sovereign Grace Publishers, n. d. ), p. 58. 
Meyer, p. 167; see also Alford, p. 31. 

Charles J. EUicott, St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians (London: 
Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, and Green, 1863), p. 61. 
See also Alford, p. 31. 
McDonald, p. 31. 
Anstey, p. 124. 
Anstey, p. 123. 

Wilhelm Moller, "The Book of Exodus", The International Stand- 
ard Bible Encyclopaedia (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans 
Publishing Company, 1957), II, 1965-66. 

Joseph Agar Beet, Commentary on St. Paul's Epistle to the 
Galatians (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1903), p. 89. 
Stanley D. Toussaint, "Galatians". (Unpublished Class Notes, 
Dallas Theological Seminary, 1965), p. 72. 

C. F. Keil and F. Delitzsch, Biblical Commentary on the Old 
Testament (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Com- 
pany, 1959), I, 216. 

Merrill F. Unger, Introductory Guide to the Old Testament 
(Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1951), pp. 144 and 
156ff; F. F. Bruce, The Books and the Parchments (Westwood, 
New Jersey: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1950), pp. 150-51; 
Everett F. Harison, "The Importance of the Septuagint for Bib- 
lical Studies (Part I)," Bibliotheca Sacra , CXII (October-Decem- 
ber, 1955), p. 351. 
Beet, p. 89. 

Herman Ridderbos, The Epistle of Paul to the Churches of Ga- 
latia (Grand Rapids: Wm, B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 
1953), p. 136. 
Keil and Delitzsch, II, 30. 

Gleason L. Archer, A Survey of Old Testament Introduction 
(Chicago: Moody Press, 1964), p. 212. 

Edwin R. Thiele, "Chronology, Old Testament, " The Zonder- 
van Pictorial Bible Dictionary, ed. Merrill C. Tenney (Grand 
Rapids; Zondervan Publishing Company, 1963), p. 167. Thiele 


argues that it is impossible to give a categorical answer as to 
all that is involved in the 430 year sojourn, but then goes on to 
imply that on the bases of Galatians 3:16, 17 the sojourn must 
have included both Canaan and Egypt. 

34. Archer, p. 212. 

35. John Rea, "The Historical Setting of the Exodus and the Conquest" 
(Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, Grace Theological Seminary, 
1958), pp. 80ff. 

36. Harold W. Hoehner, "The Duration of the Egyptian Bondage, " 
Bibliotheca Sacra , CXXVI (October-December, 1969), pp. 313-16. 

37. Rea, p. 80. Hoehner does not place much stock in either the 
Septuagint or Samaritan Pentateuch for chronological notices, but 
does comment that the inclusion of "in the land of Canaan" in 
both texts "may point back to some early tradition in the text. 
It is somewhat difficult to explain its inclusion except that there 
was some sort of early tradition for this reading, " pp. 315-16. 

38. Rea, p. 80. 

39. Hoehner, pp. 313-14. 

40. Rea, p. 81. He actually holds that the Egyptian sojourn was 396 
years due to the 34 years mentioned above. The number 400 is 
an approximate number. Hoehner would see the 400 years as 
exact due to the doctrine of inspiration, p. 313. 

41. Ibid. 

42. Ibid. 

43. Keil and Delitzsch, I, p. 216. 

44. Archer, p. 211. 

45. H. C. Leupold, Exposition of Genesis (Columbus, Ohio: Wart- 
burg Press, 1942), p. 486. 

46. Toussaint, p. 72. 

47. R. C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation of the Acts of the Apostles 
(Columbus, Ohio: The Wartburg Press, 1944), p. 520. 

48. Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown, Commentary 
on the Old and New Testaments (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Pub- 
lishing House, 1934), p. 330. 

49. K. A. Kitchen, Ancient Orient and Old Testament (Chicago: 
Inter-Varsity Press, 1966), pp. 52-53. 

50. Ibid. , See also Rea, p. 136. 

51. Keil and Delitzsch, I, 216. 

52. Archer, p. 211; See also Leupold, p. 486. 

53. Hoehner, p. 313. 

54. See the following for listing and discussions of rounded numbers 
in the Bible : John J. Davis, Biblical Numerology (Grand 
Rapids: Baker Book House, 1968), pp. 51-54; William T. Smith, 
"Number, " The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia , ed. 
James Orr (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Com- 
pany, 1957), IV, 2158-69. 


55. J. Sidlow Baxter, Explore The Book (London: Marshall, Morgan 
and Scott, 1952), III, 29-30. 

56. B. A. Chadwick, "The Book of Exodus," The Expositor's Bible. 
Ed. W. Robertson Nicoll (New York: A. C. Armstrong & Son, 
1903), pp. 197, 98. 

57. Brooke Foss Westcott and Fenton John Anthony Hort, The New 
Testament in the Original Greek (New York: The Macmillan 
Company, 1948, p. 567. 

58. Lenski, p. 520. 

59. Archer, p. 212. 

60. Toussaint, p. 72. 

61. Keil and Delitzsch, I, 470. 

62. Kitchen, p. 54. 

63. R. C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation of St. Paul's Epistle to 
the Galatians, to the Ephesians and to the Philippians (Columbus, 
Ohio: The Wartburg Press: 1937), p. 162. 

64. Jamieson, Fausset and Brown, p. 330. 

65. Toussaint, p. 71, 


Associate Professor of Christian Education 
Trinity Evangelical Divinity School 

The Biblical doctrine of the heart is one of the most important 
studies dealing with the nonmaterial nature of man. To understand the 
nonmaterial nature of man, one must understand the heart of man. In 
Mark 12:30, Jesus commands man to love God with all his heart. Since 
we are to love God with all the heart, it is of utmost importance to the 
Christian life that the heart be understood. Lewis S. Chafer notes: 

The word heart occurs over 6 00 times in the Old 
Testament and at least 210 times in the New Testa- 
ment .... The extensive use of the word heart in 
all its varied implications places it in a position of 
extreme importance. 2 

Understanding the heart of man is also crucial in light of the con- 
temporary study of the make-up of man. The Bible is not a psychology 
handbook, but when it speaks on this subject, the Word of God is author- 
itative. What the Bible has to say on the heart is, therefore, of the ut- 
most value and will shed light on the natural man. When the Bible 
finds need to dip into the nonmaterial man and construct a psychology , 
it does not hesitate to do so. As the Bible is authoritative, what is 
written concerning the make-up of man must be accepted as fact. 

The term "heart" (kardia) is never used in the New Testament to 
refer to the physical organ of man as the term is used when reference 
is made to heart in the Old Testament. ^ But the Hebrews also used 
the term in reference to the nonmaterial nature of man. The use grew 
from the concept that the heart is essential to physical life. It was a 
natural transition to bring the term over to the spiritual world as was 
done by the time of the ministry of Jesus. The New Testament sees 
the heart figuratively as the center of the real person, the center of 
spiritual life. Oswald Chambers recognizes this centrality of the heart: 



According to the Bible the heart is the centre: The 
centre of physical life, the centre of mercy, the centre 
of damnation and salvation, the centre of God's work- 
ing and the centre of the devil's working, the centre 
from which everything works which moulds the human 
mechanism. 4 

Paul's phrases, "Doing the will of God from the heart, "^ and "I 
have you in my heart"" use the word "heart" as the center of man. 
Christ in the Parable of the Sower likened the ground to the heart of 
man, a reference to the heart as the center of the nonmaterial man. ^ 
The heart physically is the center from which life is dispersed to the 
body, so the heart figuratively is the center from which spiritual vital- 
ity is spread to the personality. Chambers explains: 

The heart is not merely the seat of affections, it is 
the center of everything. The heart is the central 
altar and the body is the outer court. What we offer 
on the altar of the heart will tell ultimately through 
the extremities of the body. ° 

Whether viewed as a unit or as a section of the personality, the 
heart remains a picture of the fountainhead of life. William P. Dickson 
observes these conclusions: 

In the great majority of passages, it is absolutely nec- 
essary to give to the term the wider meaning, which 
obviously is implied in the cardinal counsel of Proverbs 
4:23: "Keep thy heart with all diligence (literally: 
above all that is kept-- prae omni re custodienda ) for 
out of it are the issues of life. " It is not merely the 
receptacle of impressions and the seat of emotions , 
but the laboratory of thought and the fountainhead of 
purpose. Sometimes it appears as pre-eminently the 
organ of intelligence, as at Romans 1:21: "Their 
foolish ( asunetos ) heart was darkened"; II Corinthians 
3:15; "a veil lieth upon their heart"; II Corinthians 
4:6: "God. . . shined in our hearts"; Ephesians 1:18: 
"having the eyes of your heart enlightened" ( tes 
kardias instead of dianoias) ; . . . 

Having established the heart as the central seat of nonmaterial 
man, a definition of the term "heart" is in order, because it has been 
misunderstood and disputed. In the circles of Christianity no consensus of 
thought has settled upon a definition. M. Scott Fletcher has stated "this 
term is the least disputed in its meaning . . . within the cycles of its use 


in Scripture. "^0 He has defined heart as "the one organ of all thinking 
and of all willing as well as all feeling. "^^ This definition is near to 
being accurate, although it leaves out the aspect of moral conscience . 
So the heart is the central seat and organ of man's conscious life in 
its moral, intellectual, volitional, and emotional aspects. Emotion, 
intellect, will and the power of morality are all aspects of the heart 
and are included in the make-up of a normal child when born into the 
world. An examination of these four aspects of the heart is now in 

First, the heart is said to be the center of intellect. The word 
"heart" conveys the meaning that is implied to the word "brain" in this 
modern era. The word "brain" is not found in the Bible. As Chambers 
states, "in the Bible the heart, and not the brain, is revealed to be 
the centre of thinking. "^2 Franz Delitzsch concludes similarly: 

The result of our investigation is pretty much this: 
that Scripture without excluding head and brain (as we 
may see on a glance at Daniel 2:28, etc.) from psycho - 
spiritual activities and affections, attributes the central 
agency of these to the heart. ^^ 

Hebrews 4:12 ("the thoughts and intents of the heart") and He- 
brews 8:10 ("I will put my laws into their mind, and on their hearts 
also will I write them") show the heart is the instrument of thinking 
and mental processes. Reasoning and memory are aspects of the heart 
according to Mark 2:8, Luke 2:51 and I Corinthians 14:25. Thinking is 
definitely a function that takes place in the heart. ^"^ Chambers agrees 
to this when he states: 

Thinking takes place in the heart, not in the brain . 
The real spiritual powers of a man reside in the heart , 
which is the centre of the physical life, of the soul 
life, and of the spiritual life. The expression of think- 
ing is referred to the brain and the lips because through 
these organs thinking becomes articulate. ^^ 

Perception is another function within the intellectual capacities of 
the heart. When Christ speaks of the inability to perceive spiritual 
things, it is because of a darkened heart (Matthew 13:14). Oswald 
Chambers places the capacity of perception within the heart. 

Perception means the power to discern what we hear 
and see and read; the power to discern the history of 
the nations to which we belong, the power to discern 
in our personal lives. This power is also in the 
heart. 1" 


Knowledge and stimuli of the outer world are perceived by the 
heart and assimilated for mental use. Mary kept all the events of 
Christ's early life "stored in the heart" (Luke 2:51). In Hebrews 
10:16 mind and heart are used synonymously for the storehouse of 
knowledge, "I will put my laws on their hearts and upon their mind 
will I write them. " 

The second function within the heart is that of emotions. Ac- 
cording to Chafer the heart is "easily considered the center of sensi- 
bility."-^' Man is among other things, an emotional creature and these 
feelings are resident in the heart. Fletcher places emotions in the 
heart when he writes: 

More than any other Biblical writer Paul regards the 
'heart' as the seat of feelings. We shall see later that 
the Apostle takes over from the Greek certain psycho- 
logical terms to express the mental and moral aspects 
of man's inner life, and so is free to develop in har- 
mony with O.T. precedents, the emotional meaning of 
the heart. ^^ 

Five aspects of emotions as suggested by A.I.Gates will be used as 
a basis for examining the emotional nature of the heart. ■'•^ (1) Anger 
is seen by Jesus as coming from the heart: "For out of the heart comes 
forth evil thoughts . . . railings" (Matthew 15:19). (2) Fear, which 
can be in the form of dread, terror, anxiety, grief or worry, can grip 
or control the heart. Jesus said, "Let not your heart be troubled, 
neither let it be afraid" (John 14:27), and "Because 1 have spoken these 
things unto you, sorrow hath filled your heart" (John 16:6). (3) Joy or 
love can characterize the third emotion which Gates calls excitement. 
Acts 2:46 records, "They took food with gladness and singleness of 
heart. " Jesus said, "I will see you again and your heart will rejoice" 
(John 16:22). (4) Remorse can be pictured as pity, sympathy or sor- 
row, another type of emotion. Paul expresses this as coming from the 
heart, "I have great sorrow and unceasing pain in my heart" (Romans 
9:2). (5) Finally, the emotion of sex is seen as stemming from the 
heart. The depraved side of sex issues from the heart, "For out of 
the heart comes forth evil thoughts . . . adulteries, fornications " 
(Matthew 15:19). The positive aspect of love is seen as husbands are 
exhorted to love their wives (Ephesians 5:25) and men are to "love the 
Lord thy God with all thy heart" (Matthew 22:37). 

The third function of the heart is moral consciousness. Deep 
within man there is a consciousness of a divine being, an enlightenment 
to a divine standard, this is within the heart. In Romans 2:15 the con- 
science is placed in the heart, acting as a moral regulator. S. Lewis 


Johnson says of this verse: "It seems clear that the heart is here con- 
sidered as the seat of the moral consciousness."^ Hebrews 10:22 also 
implies the conscience as being in the heart, "having our hearts sprin- 
kled from an evil conscience. " The root for "conscience" is suneidesis , 
a knowing with oneself. Since memory, thinkingand volition are necessary 
functions of conscience, it is natural to place conscience in the heart , 
because memory, thinking and volition function in the heart. ^^ The 
conscience and heart are also the place where God works with the in- 
dividual. 22 The heart is the nonmaterial organ in man which has the 
capacity to perceive an absolute standard and accept a knowledge of the 
person of God. Fletcher has summarized moral consiousness: 

The "heart" being considered in Biblical Psychology the 
organ of all possible states of consciousness, is pre- 
eminently the seat of moral consciousness or conscience. 
In it lies the fountainhead of the moral life of man. 
Hence in the N. T. "the heart" is the metaphorical term 
for the whole inner character and its ethical significance 
cannot be overrated. 23 

Volition or the will is the last function of the heart. This is the 
power or faculty within man to take deliberate action based upon personal 
desire. To will, man has the ability to make a choice. Paul wrote, 
"But thanks be to God, that whereas ye were servants of sin, ye became 
obedient from the heart" (Romans 6:17). Johnson explains this verse as: 
"This obedience is described as ek kardia . It seems evident that in 
this passage the heart is considered to be the seat of the will."24 The 
will is apparently not connected with the brain, but with the heart which 
is the center of thought. An act of choice taking place in the heart is 
seen in II Corinthians 9:7, "Every man according as he purposeth in his 
heart." Obedience is a form of volition and Ephesians 6:5 locates voli- 
tion in the heart; "Be obedient to them that are your masters . . . 
with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart. "25 Both the fix- 
ing of our will (Romans 6:17) and the planning of our will (II Corinthians 
9:7) are found in the heart. 

Although explanations of the four functions of the heart have been 
given, the heart must be seen as a whole or a totality to be correctly 
understood. These functions, in reality, cannot be separated because 
they interact and depend one upon the other. Therefore, volition, moral 
consciousness, thinking and emotion stem from the heart, interacting and 
functioning, dependent on one another. The person acts as a unit, not 
as a sectionalized being. 

With a better understanding of the heart of man, one might ask 
"But what is the relation of the heart to the nonmaterial parts of man?" 


These are soul, spirit, mind, conscience, flesh, old man-new man and 
old nature -new nature. 

The soul and spirit are both nonmaterial and have a relationship 
to the heart. However, a guard must be taken against using the terms 
"spirit, " "soul" and "heart" synonymously. There are three different 
capacities in the inner man. Johnson writes concerning these differences: 

. . . the term kardia may include the psuche and the 
pneuma since their activity takes place in the kardia. 
From this passage (Romans 5:5) it can be seen that the 
kardia is the seat and center of the activity of the Holy 
Spirit, hence also of the human spirit.^" 

In essence the soul-spirit is amoral. The heart motivates the 
soul-spirit, being the driving force to evil or belief. It is the heart 
that is morally good or bad. Fletcher notes this same point, "It (the 
heart) is the starting point of all his activities. "^"^ The lust of man's 
heart can motivate the person (Matthew 5:18, 19). The truth of I Peter 
1:22 shows that "the purifying of our souls" is the result of the motiva- 
tion of the heart by obedience. Obedience comes from the heart (Romans 
6:17). Also, emotions founded in the heart are expressed through the 
soul -spirit into the body. 

Since the heart, as seen earlier, is the dynamic in man, the soul- 
spirit must be seen as capacities where the heart functions, the soul- 
spirit has no power of or in itself. With this proper understanding of 
the relation of soul-spirit with the heart, certain obscurities confusing 
the functions of the soul-spirit should be answered. Apparently, Mark 
8:12 points to the spirit as the focus of emotions. But the spirit functions 
through the heart in this capacity. Another function of the soul-spirit in 
interaction with the heart is receiving the knowledge of God (I Corinthians 
2:6-14). Fletcher speaks to this point: 

The "heart" then, means the inmost and essential part 
of man whereby the human spirit functions in response 
to the presence to the Divine Spirit. 'The love of God 
hath been shed abroad in our hearts through the Holy 
Spirit.' The "heart" is the meeting place of the human 
spirit and the Holy Spirit. 28 

The second function of the soul-spirit through the heart is employ- 
ing and manifesting spiritual reality, receiving and manifesting spiritual 
principles and reality. The heart believes; the soul is saved. The heart 
expresses volition, but "the Spirit beareth witness with our spirit" (Ro- 
mans 8:16). 


The mind is another nonmaterial aspect of man that is not synon- 
ymous with the heart in the New Testament. ^^ Yet, the functions of the 
mind are sometimes attributed to the heart. ^^ j^ answer to this, the 
mind functions through the heart as does the soul -spirit. 

The mind has an ethical aspect. ^-'- Titus 1:15 speaks of the mind 
and conscience being defiled, the conscience and mind functioning through 
the heart. If man has a corrupt heart, he has a corrupt mind because 
the latter functions through the heart. Such effects as "a darkened under- 
standing" (Ephesians 4:18) or "a reprobate mind" (Romans 11:28) are the 
results of an unconverted heart. Regeneration includes the total man, 
thus the heart and the mind are renewed. Romans 12:2 speaks of regen- 
erate man having the capacity of renewing the mind and I John 5:20 notes 
a new understanding and knowledge of "him that is true. " 

Although the mind functions through the heart, it maintains a con- 
sciousness to the world outside. The heart and mind have both the capac- 
ity of a self consciousness and a perception of outer stimuli. As Fletcher 

It (the heart) was regarded as the storehouse into which 
all sensations were received and the work house from 
which all acts proceeded. . . . The heart was the one 
organ of all thinking and of all willing as well as all 
feeling. It was the meeting place of all man's powers 
of mind. 32 

The conscience, which is another nonmaterial aspect of man, is 
the ability within man to discern right and wrong on the basis of know- 
ledge, sometimes called a moral regulator. The conscience functions 
through the heart since the heart is the seat of all moral consciousness. 
Having survived the fall and being a part of man's perpetual endowment, 
the conscience is a witness to man of both an absolute standard and the 
existence of God. Wallace Emerson points out, "Conscience is definitely 
not, as some would have it, the voice of God's Holy Spirit talking to us."^^ 
Here he means an infallible guidance system to guide man in moral de- 
cisions. As will be seen later, the conscience can make a mistake. 
Delitzsch in his view of Biblical psychology indicates the purpose of 
conscience, "the conscience bears witness to man of the universal law 
of God as set forth in Romans 2:15. "3"* 

There is a direct relationship between knowledge and conscience 
which is inferred by Paul in II Corinthians 4:2, "By the manifestation of 
truth commending ourselves to every man's conscience. " This places 
close interaction between heart and conscience. Delitzsch asks, "Might 
not men's knowledge about his relationship to God from the beginning be 


called conscience? "^^ Thinking, memory and perception all come to 
action in the operation of the conscience. Having used the processes of 
thinking to discern, the conscience having no power to motivate then acts 
as a moral regulator. The conscience discerns; the heart motivates. ^° 

Although conscience is an endowment at birth, as is the mind, 
both can grow and develop; thus the conscience has the potential of be- 
coming a fair guide to the heart. Paul had developed a conscience that 
did not offend God or man (Acts 24:16). In I Corinthians 8:12 Paul speaks 
of a "weak" conscience, inferring the possibility to develop and become 
stronger. Paul also infers moral growth of conscience in his challenge 
to have a "good conscience" (I Timothy 1:19). But the conscience can 
also be weakened. When the conscience discerns moral issues, but the 
entire man acts evil, the heart has willed to ignore the conscience. The 
conscience loses its effectiveness to discern moral truth when it is con- 
tinually rejected and the person gives himself to sin. In Titus 1:15 such 
a case is spoken of, "Their minds and their conscience are defiled. " 
Here, the conscience had degenerated; not only was it useless to discern 
but by being defiled, what was wrong becomes right in its regulation. 
Thus, the heart and conscience have an inner -relationship that is of ut^ 
most importance in directing the moral life of man. 

The heart has been shown as the motivating power in man; also, 
the heart has been seen as containing the seat of lust in the individual. 
These facts relate the heart very definitely to the "flesh" and/or "old 
man" within the scope of the nonmaterial parts of man. This use of the 
word "flesh" is explained by James Hastings, "The flesh is the present 
abode of sin, which requires an obedient subject to execute its belief. ""^'^ 
The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia identifies "the old man" 
with "the flesh" in defining "old man": 

A term thrice used by Paul (Romans 6:6; Ephesians 
4:22; Colossians 3:9) to signify the unrenewed man, the 
natural man in the corruption of sin, i.e. sinful human 
nature before conversion and regeneration. It is theo- 
logically synonymous with flesh (Romans 8:3-9), which 
stands not for bodily organism, but for the whole nature 
of man. 38 

The power that forces man to do evil is called lust in the Scrip- 
ture. Paul sees lust as proceeding from the heart (Romans 1:24) and 
the flesh (Ephesians 2:3). This might seem contradictory, but when 
flesh is seen as functioning through the heart, there is no difficulty. 
Johnson places lust in the heart: 


The heart is spoken of as that which lusts or possesses 
lust. Of course, the word eplthumia is neutral in itself 
and it may refer to a good desire as well as an evil de- 
sire . . . it is used here (Romans 1:24) to indicate evil 
lusts as the context and the following phrase proves. 
Thus in the passage under consideration the heart is 
seen to be the seat of the lust. ^^ 

The flesh and the heart cannot be equated. They are different 
capacities of the nonmaterial man and must be treated as such. Their 
interaction is complex, the flesh and/or old man having their abode or 
function through the heart. Since lust is the function of sin and is the 
focus of sin in the individual, man's total depravity or inability to satisfy 
God is centered in the heart and penetrates every part of man's existence. 
John Laidlow has made a good summary: 

In the heart lies the moral and religious condition of 
man. Only what enters the heart forms a possession 
of moral worth, and only what comes from the heart is 
a moral production. On the one hand, therefore, the 
Bible places human depravity in the heart because sin 
is a principle which has penetrated to the centre, and 
thus corrupts the whole circuit of life. 


The heart issues lust because it is the seat of the flesh and/or 
old man. Also, the correlation of depravity is seen in this realm be- 
cause the heart is the center of the nonmaterial man. Because the heart 
is depraved, the whole inner man is corrupt. The corruption of the 
heart affects all capacities of the nonmaterial make-up of man. 

Thus, the heart, which is the seat of man's conscious life in its 
moral, volitional, intellectual and emotional aspects is vitally related to 
and is the center of the nonmaterial man. The soul-spirit, moral con- 
sciousness, mind and flesh of man are vitally related to the heart and 
function through the heart. 


1. All references to Scripture in this article will be from the Amer- 
ican Standard Version of 1901. 

2. Lewis Sperry Chafer, Systematic Theology, II, 187-88. 

3. Exodus 24:29; I Samuel 25:38; II Samuel 18:14; II Kings 9:24. 

4. Oswald Chambers, Biblical Theology, p. 100. 

5. Ephesians 6:6. 

6. Philippians 1:7. 


7. Cf. Luke 8:12. 

8. Chambers, og^. cit. , p. 107. 

9. William P. Dickson, St. Paul's Use of the Terms Flesh and 
Spirit , pp. 201-2. 

M. Scott Fletcher, The Psychology of the New Testament, p. 74. 
Ibid. . p. 76. 

Chambers, op. cit. , p. 97. 

Franz Delitzsch, A System of Biblical Psychology, p. 302. 
See also Matthew 24:48 and Romans 10:6. 
Chambers, o£. cit., pp. 124-25. 
Ibid., pp. 110-11. 
Chafer, 0£. cit. , p. 187. 
Fletcher, o£. cit. , p. 79. 

A. I. Gates, Psychology for Students of Education, p. 165. The 
listing of five types of emotions is accepted for use in this article 
and no attempt is made to establish the validity of only five 
classes of emotions. 

S. Lewis Johnson, "A Survey of Biblical Psychology in the Epistle 
to the Romans" (unpublished Doctor's dissertation, Dallas Theo- 
logical Seminary, Dallas, Texas, 1949), p. 76. 
See Footnotes 11, 14 and 16. 

See Romans 5:5; Ephesians 3:16; II Corinthians 1:22; Colossians 

Fletcher, o£. cit. , p. 88. 
Johnson, op, cit. , p. 102. 
Also see Hebrews 3:8 and Acts 7:39. 
Johnson, og. cjt. , p. 101. 
Fletcher, 0£. cit. , pp 76-77. 
Ibid. . p. 87. 

Note Mark 12:39 and Philippians 4:7. 
See Hebrews 4:12; Romans 10:6; Acts 24:38. 
Colossians 2:18; Romans 7:25. 
Fletcher, 0£. cit. , p. 76, 

Wallace Emerson, Outline of Psychology, p. 435. 
Delitzsch, op_. cit. , pp. 160-61. 
Ibid., p. 167". 

Note Hebrews 9:14, 13:18; I Peter 2:19; Romans 9:1. 
James Hastings, A Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels , II, 600. 
Dwight M. Pratt, "Old Man, " The International Standard Bible 
Dictionary , IV, 2183. 
Johnson, op. cit. , p. 93. 
John Laidlow, The Bible Doctrine of Man, p. 122. 


FOR MISSIONARIES OMLV. By Joseph L. Cannon. Baker Book House, 
Grand Rapids, 1969, $2.95. (cloth) 

This short but well-written book will probably be like a bombshell 
exploding in some of our evangelical bunkers. It may shake our "good 
earth" and raise the dust (perhaps also some disgust) but it is the type of 
literature on missions which has been needed for some time. 

The author paints his picture of missions by means of forty-seven 
short stories and commentaries on the work of missions today. He speaks 
on issues which are very much alive in every geographical area where a 
foreign missionary might serve, the intensity depending on the area and 
people involved. He writes on such subjects as: fruit -bearing, frustra- 
tions and finance, homeland deputation, the homing pigeon tendencies of 
missionaries, indigenous church policies, paternalism, new mission- 
aries, the drop-out problem, incompatibility between missionaries them- 
selves and between missionaries and nationals, missionary wives and kids, 
culture-shock, language study and what he likes and hates about missionary 

While I believe this book is intended to disturb the sleep of some of 
our Church people and hopefully arouse them to a new understanding of the 
missionary endeavor, the author did not spare criticism of missionaries. 
Such statements as the following show the balance with which Mr. Cannon 
approached his subject: 

It is possible to be called a missionary and not actually 
be one. . .you can be sent to save souls and not actually, 
personally, save one. . .sometimes the presence of a 
missionary makes it hard on the local preacher. . . (mis- 
sionaries) brow-beat the audience, make themselves su- 
perior and every one else inferior. 

Mr. Cannon is to be commended for his candid evaluation of the 
joys and sorrows of modern mission activity. Not every missionary would 
dare speak openly as he has on some basic areas of universal concern, 



but every missionary should read the book. Pastors interested in missions 
and supporters of missionaries should read it. The only ones who might 
not profit from it are the immature and hyper -critical. 

P. Fredrick Fogle 
Grace Theological Seminary 

IT'S ALWAYS TOO SOOM TO QUIT. By Mel Larson. Zondervan Pub- 
lishing House, Grand Rapids, 1968, $3.95. 157 pp. 

Football enthusiasts will enjoy the story of Stephen Orr Spurrier. 
He is an outstanding athlete, record holder and active Christian molded 
into one person. With innate ability, excellent coaching a n d heavenly 
blessing, he became an All -American selection from the University of 
Florida, the 1966 recipient of the coveted Heisman Award and the first 
draft of the San Francisco 49ers. 

The Steve Spurrier story is related in the first person as told to 
Mel Larson. The autobiography is captivating, the awards fabulous and 
the Christian testimony clear. This is a book which could easily be given 
to an unsaved person, especially a youth. If the reader thinks that this 
star is more than mortal. Spurrier dissolves the halo with stories of a 
three -day expulsion from school and a removal from a football game be- 
cause of a scuffle. 

Spurrier is the son of a Southern Presbyterian minister. He main- 
tains an active life of prayer, Bible study and personal witnessing. He 
influenced his elementary, high school and college teams to pray before 
and after each game. While not a fast player, he learned to be quick in 
action and relaxed when out of play. Spurrier lives by a philosophy ex- 
pressed in mottoes and slogans, such as the title of this book. Whether 
winning or losing, he would give the game his best. According to Spurrier, 
it never has been God's will that a team should win every game. With 
ability, courage, courtesy and preparation, a player will enjoy success. 
A "blossoming" athlete should not pray to be an All- American or winner 
of the Heisman Award, but that God will sharpen his abilities and talents 
for His glory. 

James H. Gabhart 
Community Church 
Tippecanoe, Indiana 


byterian and Reformed Publishing Co. , Nutley, N. J., 1970 (sec- 
ond printing). 238 pp. $2.50 paper. 

ited by John E. Meeter. Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing 
Co., Nutley, N. J., 1970. 494 pp. $7.50. 

Odendaal. Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Co. , Nutley, 
N. J., 1970. 202 pp. $4.95 paper. 

EXPOSITION OF PSALMS. By H. C. Leupold. Baker Book House, Grand 
Rapids, (New Reprint Edition). 1010 pp. $8.95. 

David E. Peterson. Zondervan Publishing House, Grand Rapids, 
1970, $1.95. 

Fleming H. Revell Company, Old Tappan, New Jersey, 1970. 
501 pp. $6.50. 

STUDIES IN LUKE (Bible Self - Study Series). By Irving L. Jensen. 
Moody Press, Chicago, 1970. 104 pp. $.95, paper. 

NEW LIFE FOR ALL. By Eileen Lageer. Moody Press, Chicago, 1970 
144 pp. $1.25, paper 

RED SKY BY NIGHT. By Leslie T. Lyall. Moody Press, Chicago, 1970 
128 pp. $.95, paper. 

MARK, THE GOSPEL OF ACTION. By Ralph Earle. Moody Press, Chi- 
cago, 1970. 127 pp„ $.95, paper. 

SPIRITUAL MANPOWER. By J. Oswald Sanders. Moody Press, Chicago, 
1970 (reprinted). 219 pp. $.95, paper. 

Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, Revised Edition. $4.95, New 
Paperback Edition. 

House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 275 pp. $3.50. 

Stephen Neill. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rap- 
ids, 1970. 183 pp. $3.95, paper. 

Leonard Verduin. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand 
Rapids, 1970. 168 pp. $2„95, paper. 



inona Lake, Indiana 

SPRING 1971 

k/ol. 12 


A publication of Grace Theological Seminary 



ATRA-HASIS: A SURVEY James R. Battenfield 3 



GRACE JOURNAL is published three times each year (Winter, Spring, Fall) by Grace Theological 
Seminary, in cooperation with the Grace Seminary Alumni Association. 

EDITORIAL POLICY: The editors of GRACE JOURNAL hold the historic Christian faith, and 
accept without reservation the inerrancy of Scripture and the premillennial view of eschatology. 
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SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $2.00 per calendar year; single copy, 754. 

ADDRESS: All subscriptions and review copies of books should be sent to GRACE JOURNAL. 

Copyright, 1971 , by Grace Theological Seminary. All rights reserved. 


Published by 









HOMER A. KENT, JR. , Editor 
JOHN C. WHITCOMB, JR., Managing Editor 
S. HERBERT BESS, Book Review Editor 

GRACE JOURNAL is indexed by 




FOR MOSHER LIBRARY (Dallas Theological Seminary) 


Teaching Fellow in Hebrew 
Grace Theological Seminary 

New discoveries continue to revive interest in the study of the 
ancient Near East. The recent collation and publication of the Atra-hasTs 
Epic is a very significant example of the vigor of this field, especially 
as the ancient Near East is brought into comparison with the Old Testa- 
ment. The epic is a literary form of Sumero -Babylonian traditions about 
the creation and early history of man, and the Flood. It is a story that 
not only bears upon the famous Gilgame^ Epic, but also needs to be 
compared to the narrative of the Genesis Flood in the Old Testament. 
The implications inherent in the study of such an epic as Atra-hasTs 
must certainly impinge on scholars' understanding of earth origins and 

The advance in research that has been conducted relative to Atra- 
Ijasls is graphically apparent when one examines the (ca. 1955) rendering 
by Speiser ^ in comparison with the present volume by Lambert and 
Millard. 2 

Although Atra-hasis deals with both creation and flood, the pre- 
sent writer has set out to give his attention to the flood material only. 
Literature on mythological genres is voluminous. Therefore the present 
writer will limit this study to a survey of the source material which 
underlies Atra-hasTs, a discussion of its content and its relation to the 
Old Testament and the Gilgames Epic. 

James R. Battenfield earned the B. A. degree at San Diego State College, 
and the B. D. and Th. M. at Talbot Theological Seminary. He taught for 
two years at Talbot Theological Seminary and pursued graduate study 
at U. C.L. A. He is presently taking work toward the Th. D. degree 
at Grace Theological Seminary. 



The source material behind the present edition has been a long 
time in coming to the fore. The great amount of energies that have 
been expended on this research will hardly be reflected in this brief 
study; however, the main lines of endeavor can be traced. 

One may surmise that the Atra-hasfs epic flourished in Babylon- 
ian civilization for some 1,500 years. At the time of Alexander the 
Great, when Hellenism figuratively and literally buried what was left 
of Mesopotamian cultural influence in the Tigris -Euphrates Valley, Atra- 
hasTs was lost. For over two thousand years the only record known 
to man of a great Flood was the story in Genesis. Berossus, a Baby- 
lonian priest about the time of Alexander, wrote a Babylonian history 
which is also lost. Fragmented traditions of his history have come 
down to the present through such worthies as Polyhistor and Eusebius.^ 

The middle of the nineteenth century saw the beginning of serious 
exploration in Mesopotomia, particularly among British and French in- 
terests. Reliefs and monuments were unearthed and taken to Western 
museums. Thousands of clay tablets awaited decipherment, an inter- 
esting process in its own right.4 Kuyunjik, the larger mound at Nineveh, 5 
is the site where much Atra-hasTs material was found, although iis iden- 
tification was not apparent for a long time. In 1842/3 Paul fimile Botta 
first dug at Kuyunjik, but he did not find any spectacular museum pieces 
such as were expected in those days. Austen Henry Layard" secured 
British rights to dig in the area and this caused a conflict with French 
interests. By 1851 the palace of Sennacherib had been found. Hormuzd 
Rassam, a Christian of local extraction, who favored the British, be- 
came the leader of native digging efforts. At first he and his helpers 
dug secretly at night. Having come across the most magnificent reliefs 
found to date, Rassam continued digging by day. They had dug into the 
palace of Assyria's last great king, Ashurbanipal. His library is now 
well known as one of the great discoveries from antiquity. Practically 
all of Ashurbanipal 's library was taken to the British Museum , thanks 
to Layard and Rassam. 

In London a "layman" in scholarly circles was put to work sort- 
ing the fragments of Ashurbanipal's collection. This man was George 
Smith. At fourteen the humble lad was apprenticed to a firm of bank- 
note engravers. From an Old Testament background, his first love 
soon took over in his life as he read with diligence concerning the 
archaeology of Mesopotamia. He gave up engraving for archaeology 
before long, and soon was at work collating the thousands of fragments 
of Ashurbanipal's library. In his own words, Smith mentions with kind- 
ness the labors of Botta. Botta found Sargon's palace (which dated from 


ca . 722-705 B. C.) at Khorsabad, after his work at Nineveh had proven 
a failure. 9 He mentions Layard and Rassam as well, but does not men- 
tion Rassam's nocturnal digging. Smith showed that he knew as much 
about the tablets as anyone and in 1866, at the age of twenty-six, he was 
made Assistant in the Department of Oriental Antiquities at the museum. 

Others knew that works of mythology were preserved, 
but only George Smith collected and joined enough bro- 
ken pieces to reconstruct entire episodes, and only he 
could understand the content. His lack of philological 
training was made up for by hard work and sheer ge- 

lt was on December 3, 1872, nearly one hundred years ago, that 
Smith read a paper to the Society of Biblical Archaeology concerning his 
discovery of a Babylonian version of the Biblical Flood story. This paper 
rocked the world of Biblical scholarship. Four years later Smith pub- 
lished The Chaldean Account of Genesis , and among this selection of 
Babylonian literary texts was one Smith called "the story of Atarpi. "12 
This is now known as the Epic of Atra-hasTs. 

An amazing feature of the story of the gathering of the fragments 
that make up Atra-hasTs is the unusual length of time required to join 
the fragments properly. Smith had three broken pieces, enough to gain 
a plot and to distinguish this from other creation/flood stories. Smith 
mistook obverse for reverse and his mistake was not corrected properly 
until 1956. Even more amazing is the fact that, after Smith's untimely 
death in 1876, the three "Atarpi" fragments became separated and were 
not joined again until 1899, and the third of the pieces was not published 
until 1965, and not joined to the other two until 1967. This is the rea- 
son that Atra-hasTs is spoken of as a "new" flood epic: it is new be- 
cause its tablet sequence has only recently been finalized. 

Other fragments of Atra-hasTs naturally experienced independent 
histories from their discovery to their publication, V. Scheil, a French 
priest, published a fragment of a flood epic in 1898. His differed from 
Smith's, and he dated it to the reign of Ammi-saduqa (1646-26 B. C. ) 
of the Old Babylonian dynasty. ^^ The same year a mythological text 
from the same period was copied by T. G. Pinches. This last text 
describes the creation of man. '* In 1899, the German scholar, Hein- 
rich Zimmern wrote an article in which he gave the Ums chrift of Smith's 
two then available fragments, showed Scheil 's and Pinches' work was of 
the same epic,-*^^ and demonstrated that the name of the hero should be 
not Atarpi, but Atra, or Atra-jiasTs. Still at this point the correct 
order of the fragments was undetermined, and so the matter remained 
for fifty years. 


It remained for the Danish scholar, J0rgen Laess0e, to point out 
the proper sequence. ° Lambert and Millard take credit for publishing 
material done by the same original scribe who wrote Scheil's 1898 frag- 
ment. This material had been in the British Museum since 1889. 


By way of definition, the Epic of Atra-hasis is more a literary 
tradition than a narrative with precise bounds and limits. Lambert states 
that plagiarism and a lack of respect for literary rights were common in 
the ancient world. ^' The only "title" that Atra-hasis had in antiquity 
is seen repeated in the colophon at the end of each tablet, inuma ilu 
awllum , "When the gods like man. "1^ 

The principal edition used by Lambert was copied out by Ku- Aya, 
"the junior scribe. " This fact is also discernible in the colophons. 
Scheil in 1898 had given the name as Ellet-Aya or Mulil-Aya; neither 
of these is acceptable. It is known that ^ + divine name is Sumerian. 
At one time there was some question about k^ in Old Babylonian, but 
this sign is found in the Code of Hammurapi^^^s well as in Ammisa - 
duqa's own famous "Edict. "21 Ku-Aya's text is not that of a schoolboy, 
even though he is called "junior scribe. " He did his copying ca. 1630 
B. C. , if one holds to the "middle chronology," the majority opinion, 
on Babylonian chronology. ^^ The original must be before 1630 B. C. , 
making Atra-hasis one of the oldest, practically complete texts now 
known. Ku-Aya's work is an edition in three tablets. Other collated 
pieces must be relegated to much later periods, to the Late Assyrian 
(ca . 700-650 B. C. ) in particular. George Smith's "story of Atarpi, " 
now brought into comparison with the other pieces, must be of the 
Assyrian Recension, according to Lambert , since it shows marked 
Assyrian dialectal forms. The distinction between Old Babylonian and 
Middle Assyrian would show up in the orthography as well. The Assyr- 
ian story is essentially the same as Ku-Aya's, but substantially rewritten , 
Neo- Babylonian fragments differ even more. A Ras Shamra fragment , 
written in Akkadian, not Ugaritic, has been found, and is included in 
Lambert, Its first three lines read: 

•'e^'-nu-ma ilanu"^®^ im-tas-ku mil-ka i-na matati"^^®*^^ 
a-bu-ba is-ku-nu i-na ki-ib-ra-ti 

The translation is: 

"When the gods took counsel in the lands, 

And brought about a flood in the regions of the world." 


The sixth line reads: 

"^at-ra-am-ha-si-sum-me a-na-ku-[ma], "I am Atra- 
hasTs. "24 

As to the theme of the text, the essence of its content, one must 
categorize it as both a myth because gods play a dominant role, and an 
epic, because the leading character is a hero. Most basically Atra-hasTs 
deals v/ith the problem of organization. A certain dialectic goes on here, 
viz. , there is a conflict which goes through two phases. Both phases 
feature supernatural forces, but in the first "act" the conflict is among 
the gods for their own sakes and has to do with divine goals; the second 
phase concerns the conflict of the gods for the sake of man, i. e. , 
human organization enters the picture. 

Tablet 1 

The story begins with a hearkening back to an earlier time. It 
almost has a "once upon a time" flavor. Certainly the plot is etiolog- 
ical from the outset. "How did man become as he is?" "Once it was 
like this," the modern storyteller might commence. Once the gods, 
those superhuman reflections of man's aspirations, worked and suffered 
as men do now. Quite understandably, since Mesopotamia has always 
depended upon man-made waterways to redistribute the capricious flood- 
ings, the gods are represented as digging the canals. This was at a 
time when only the gods inhabited the universe. The greater and lesser 
gods are mentioned in 11. 5-6. The seven great Anunnaki are men- 
tioned. The term is used for all gods at times; at other periods the 
Anunnaki are the gods of the nether world. ^6 Three senior gods are 
mentioned individually. They are Anu, Enlil and Enki. In 1:12 they 
evidently cast lots to determine their particular spheres of influence . 
Anu rules henceforth from heaven; Enlil evidently stayed on earth; Enki 
descended to his abode in the Apsii, a subterranean body of water. The 
Assyrian recension of the epic from 1:19 ff. probably indicates that Enki 
set the Igigi (here, junior gods) to work on the canals. The Igigi suf- 

fered this humiliation for forty years and then rebelled, "backbiting , 
grumbling in the excavation" (1:39b -40). They agree to take their mu- 
tual grievance to Enlil. They want not just reduction of their workload , 
but complete relief from it. In typically anarchous fashion the junior 
gods set fire to their digging tools, and utilize them as torches to 
light their way to Enlil by night. They surround Enlil ' s temple, called 
Ekur, in the city of Nippur. Enili's servants, Kalkal and Nusku, 

bring word to the god"^^ that he is surrounded. Lines 93 and 95 of this 
first tablet are a little unclear. Lambert believes some kind of prover - 
bial usage of the word binu/bunu, "son" is employed. If this term were 
clear, it might be more readily apparent why Enlil does not hesitate to 


summon Anu from heaven and Enki from the Apsu to stand with him 
against the rebels. It must be assumed that the gravity of the situation 
was reason enough for a coalition of the senior gods to deal with the 
matter. It is Anu in 1:111 who seems to be the supreme leader. The 
question is put to the rebels, "Who is the instigator of battle?" (11. 
128, 140). The answer comes: "Every single one of us. . ." (1. 146). 
When Enlil heard that the extent of the antagonism toward him in his 
realm, earth, was so great, he cried (1:167). 

It is curious that Enlil seems to recover his composure so quickly 
and begins to command^O Anu to go to heaven and bring down one god and 
have him put to death as a solution to the problem. Perhaps more might 
be known about the decision to slay a god, if it were not for the fact 
that right at this juncture (11. 178-89), the text is unclear, and the var- 
ious recensions must be used to fill the gap. At any rate, when the 
text resumes, Belet-ili is on hand. ^•'- It is she who is summoned to 
to create32 the "Lullu-man. "33 Man now will bear the work burden 
of the gods. Belet-ili is called Mami in 1:193,^'* and then it would seem 
that she is also called Nintu. ^ Though she is the birth-goddess, she 
disavows any claim to being able to "make things. "36 She points to the 
skill of Enki in that realm. But in 1:203 it becomes apparent that Enki 
must give her the clay so that she can create man. 

Enki will make a purifying bath. One god will be killed; this is 
one called We-ila (1:223). He is not mentioned but this once in the 
text. His flesh and blood, combined with Enki's clay will result in 

man. God and clay, therefore, are mixed to make man in the Baby- 
lonian conception. Line 215 is instructive: "Let there be a spirit from 
the god's flesh, "38 The plan to make a man is agreed upon by the 
Anunnaki, the plan is carried out, and the Igigi spit on the clay. Mami 
then rehearses before the gods in typically redundant, oriental fashion 
what she has done. The summum bonum of her work is this : the gods 
are free. Yet, strangely, the work is not complete, because more 
birth-goddesses, fourteen, are called in on the project and the group 
proceeds to the bit simti, "the house of destiny" (1:249) to get at 
the work in earnest. So the creation of man is not too clear. Four- 
teen pieces of clay designated as seven males and seven females, are 
"nipped off ," and separated by a"brick " (1:256, 259). Another break 
in the story occurs here. Then there are some rules for midwifery in 
the Assyrian recension that fills the gap. Ten months is the time neces- 
sary before the mortals are born. Finally they are born and the text 
relates some rules about obstetrics and marriage, but it is not parti- 
cularly clear until 1:352. 

At this point the significant statement is made, "Twelve hundred 
years had not yet passed. "^0 This sentence begins the second part in 


the plot, if one views its story content apart from the tablet divisions . 
This much time, twelve hundred years, is given as the span of time 
from man's creation to the Flood. During this period people multiplied 
and their noise became intolerable to Enlil, who becomes disatisfied 
with the noise because he cannot sleep. ". . . Let there be plague, " 
reads the last part of 1:360. Enlil has decided to reduce the noise by 
reducing the source, man. Namtara, the plague god, is summoned 
(1:380), but first, the reader is startled by the abrupt introduction of 
Atra-|iasls, the king (1:364). Perhaps he has been mentioned in some 
lost portion earlier. He must be a king because his personal god was 
Enki himself. Usually a Babylonian's personal god was a very minor 
deity. This is seen in much of the wisdom literature and prayers. '*! 
Enki is one of the chief gods; Atra-hasis must be a king. Atra-hasTs 
petitions Enki to intervene and stop the plague. Enki advises the people 
to direct their attentions to Namtara, so that he will relax the plague. 
This is what then ensues as Tablet I closes with the statement repeated, 
"Twelve hundred years had not yet passed. "^^ 

Tablet II 

The sequence that ended Tablet I is now paralleled. Enki lost 
his sleep again, and decides to use drought/ famine to eradicate men. 
Adad the storm god should withhold his rain (11:11); waters should not 
arise from the abyss. Again Atra-hasis entreated Enki and at length 
Adad watered the earth, Lambert says, "discreetly . . . without attrac- 
ting Enlil's attention. "44 

From this point on in the epic the gaps frequently hide the story 
development. Evidently Enlil slept again but was roused by a third vis- 
itation of noise. By now Enlil must realize that some god is thwarting 
his extermination plans. Enlil resumes the drought. In column 3, ^^ 
Atra-hasis is praying to Enki. By column 4 the famine is still in prog- 
ress. Enki acts in the behalf of Atra-hasis in column 5. A late Baby- 
lonian piece inserted here tells of a cosmic sea that existed in the bot- 
tom of the universe. '*" From this area, fish were caught up in a type 
of whirlwind, and the second drought perpetrated by Enlil was averted 
by the sending of these fish among starving mankind. Enlil by now is 
tired of seeing his plans frustrated. Enki has been his adversary, he 
surmises. Since water (and fish) was used to save humanity this last 
time, water will be man's destruction, and Enki is sworn to an oath 
not to interfere in Enlil's plan. It would seem at this juncture Lullu - 
awTlum , puny man, is doomed. 

Tablet III 

This last tablet contains the flood story itself. Lambert observes 


that "the version known to George Smith from Tablet XI of the Gilgames 
Epic is in fact largely derived from the account in Atra-hasis. "47 

Fortunately, Ku-Aya's Old Babylonian text is the main source of 
the third tablet. Atra-hasis is addressing Enki as it begins. It would 
seem that Enki, as is so typical of polytheistic morality, has already 
found a way to get around his oath to Enlil. 111:1:18 begins Enki's mes- 
sage for avoiding the flood, and it has a familiar ring: "Wall, listen 
to me! Reed wall, observe my words!"'*" Atra-hasTs is told to destroy 
his house, undoubtedly made of reeds, and build a boat.'*" Reeds grow 
particularly in southern Mesopotamia, near the Persian Gulf. Perhaps 
the story originated in such an environment. Interesting nautical terms 
are employed in 11, 29-37. Concerning the boat: 

'Roof it over like the Apsu. 

So that the sunSO shall not see inside it 

Let it be roofed over above and below. 

The tackle should be very strong. 

Let the pitch be tough, and so give( the boat) strength. 

It will rain down upon you here 

An abundance of birds, a profusion of fishes. ' 

He opened the water-clock and filled it; 

He announced to him the coming of the flood for the 

seventh night. 

Atra-hasis did as Enki commanded him. The reason for the flood 
is given "theologically" in the fact that the two gods of the earth and 
the deep are angry with one another. This sounds primitive indeed. 
Since Atra-hasis is a devotee of Enki, he must side with him and no 
longer live in. Enlil 's earth. 

Column 2 of the third tablet is badly broken. It would seem the 
boat is being built by such as a "carpenter" and a "reed worker. "^^ 
By line 32 of this column, clean and fat animals are mentioned as being 
put on the boat. And, then, in the lines remaining of the column, the 
most personal touch in the poem is given. Atra-hasis must go to live 
with his own god. He calls for a banquet for his people and his family . 
Yet he cannot enjoy or even participate in this festivity because he is 
overcome with grief in contemplating the impending horror. At the banquet 
he was 'in and out: he could not sit, could not crouch" (1. 45). His 
heart was broken instead and he was vomiting. 

By now the weather worsened, Adad's thunders being heard in the 
clouds overhead. Pitch was brought to enable Atra-ljasis to close his 
door. The winds and the waves rose. He cut his restraining hawser 
and set his reed-boat adrift. 


Lines are missing at the beginning of column 3 of tablet III. Re- 
stored by conjecture is the mention of the Zu bird in line 7. Zu is men - 
tioned again in one of the recensions, "^ and is also found elsewhere in 
ancient Near Eastern mythology. ^ The strength of the flood came upon 
the peoples; its destruction was a nightmare. Enki took it badly from 
the outset. The birth-goddess Nintu^S and the Anunnaki regret the dis- 
aster. Nintu bewails the loss of her children, who have become "like" 
flies. "56 She seems to have lost her purpose for existence. She rightly 
blames Enlil for such a lamentable act. Her crying is enunciated in 
111:4:5-11. The gods thirsted during the flood, as if they could no more 
subsist on salt water from the Apsu than could humans. Nintu wanted 
beer in fact in 111:4:16. The gods stood like sheep standing together in 
a dry trough waiting for a drink. 

Seven days and seven nights the deluge continued. As column 
5 is missing its first 29 lines, the flood itself is over at 111:5:30. 
Atra-hasis is "providing food" (line 32), and as the gods smell the food, 
"they gathered like flies over the offering." This last statement is hardly 
very flattering to the gods, and most typical of the skepticism of the 
wisdom genre in Babylonian literature. After the god's repast, Nintu 
arises and complains concerning the unknown whereabouts of both Anu 
and Enlil. Since they are the instigators of this terrible calamity, 
where are they? The question is not immediately answered. Instead 
an etiological explanation is given on flies, telling of the manufactured 
flies in the jewelry of lapis worn around the necks of Mesopotamian 
deities. The reason for this episode is given by Lambert: 

Thus the flies in the story are a memorial of the 
drowned offspring of Belet-ili, and the idea may have 
been suggested to its originator by a proverb or cliche 
about dragon-flies drifting down the river. " 

Enlil, who now has appeared, sees the reed boat and becomes 
angry at the Igigi, After all, the gods had decided to exterminate man; 
all the gods were under oath. How did man survive? Enlil wants to 
know. Anu points out that only Enki, whose realm is the sea, could 
save man. Enki steps forward and freely admits his deeds and evidently 
seeks to be exonerated (in a badly damaged passage). Volume 7 is of 
no help in the flood story; its chief concern is proverbial sayings on 
childbearing. Column 8 begins at the ninth line: this is the epilogue. 
The text is so problematic that it is not certain who is speaking in 
111:8:9-18. Lambert thinks the mother goddess is a leading candidate. 
In line 15 the whole epic is perhaps called anniam zamara , "this song. "^^ 
Perhaps the song was recited in some way in Babylonian religious wor- 
ship. ^^ Thus ends the last tablet. 



Still foremost in size and state of perservation among Akkadian 
epic selections are the twelve tablets (containing over 3,000 lines) of the 
Epic of Gilgames.62 ^hQ eleventh tablet here deals with the Flood. 

Gilgames meets the figure who is synon^rmous with Atra-hasis of 
the recent epic, Utnapishtim. "^ The latter is called "the Faraway"^^ 
or "the Distant"^^ because he dwells removed from others, he is im- 
mortal. Gilgames had thought in Utnapishtim he would find one prepared 
for battle,"" but he lies indolent upon his back (line 6). Gilgames has 
long sought immortality and he asks the serene Utnapishtim how he 
attained the blessed state. 


Utnapishtim will tell Gilgames a secret which begins in Shurup- 
pak, "' the city where the gods lived. There the hearts of the gods led 
them to produce the flood. "° The gods present are the same as those 
in Atra-hasfs, among whom are Anu, who is called a basunu , "their 
father, ""^ and Enlil, who is denominated m aliksunu , "their counselor. "70 
Ninigiku-Ea is present. This name is simply another appellative of 
Enki the god of wisdom who dwells in the Apsu. ^1 As in Atra-hasTs, 
Enki/Ea speaks to the house of reeds, Utnapishtim's home: 

Reed -hut, reed -hut! Wall, wall! 
Reed -hut, hearken! Wall, reflect! 
Man of Shuruppak, son of Ubar-tutu, 
Tear down (this) house, build a ship!'^^ 

Thus in both epics the command to build a boat in order to escape 
the flood is similar. The seed of all living creatures is called to go up 
into the ship. Dimensions are not given for the ship in Atra-ljasis; how- 
ever, Gilgames mentions that the ship should be accurately measuredj^S 
and that the width and length of the boat are to be equal, or square. 
Finally, the boat should be covered, ceiled over like the Apsu, j.. e. , 

Like Atra-hasis, Utnapishtim pledges to carry out Enki's orders. 
He must sever his tie with Enlil 's terrestrial economy and go to his own 
god, Enki. 

There is a large break in the left margin of the tablet that extends 
from about line 41 to the center at about 45, and then proceeds to the 
center of 55 and angles back to reveal the first sign of 53. A lesser 

break at the right side extends over lines 48-53. 

Children brought pitch for Utnapishtim's boat. The "strong"75 


or the "grown ones"^° brought all else needful. The floor space of the 
boat is said to be about 3,600 square meters, or approximately an 
acre. The walls were 120 cubits high, the decks were 120 cubits on a 
side. The boat had six decks. Speiser conjectures that the ship took 
seven days to build from his restoration of line 76. '° 

Utnapishtim's family, the beasts of the field, and all the crafts- 
men were made to go on board the ship. This is a greater number than 
Atra-hasis. The rain that is coming is called by Speiser "a rain of 
blight. " It was Enki's water^clock that was set for Atra-hasIs. Here 

7Q ^ 

it is Shamash, '^ the sun god, who sets the time of the flood. 

Adad's thunders signal the approaching deluge. Nergal, god of 
the underworld, °^ tears out the posts of the world dam, letting the waters 
loose. There must be a connection between Atra-hasis 111:3:9-10 and 
Gilgames XI: 107, where in both cases it is stated that the land was shat- 
tered like a pot. ^ This must have reference to a cataclysmic force, 
something of diastrophism. Countless other examples could be given 
of this kind of parallelism between the two epics. Cataclysmic language 
is repeated in Speiser's rendition of line 109, "submerging the moun- 


The gods cowered during the storm in typically mortal fashion . 
Ishtar^^ seems to take the role of the Mami/Belet-ili/Nintu birth-goddess 
in Gilgames. It is she that laments the sad state of things and blames 

On the seventh day the flood ceased. All of mankind had returned 

to clay. The ship comes to rest on Mt. Nisir. Utnapishtim sends 

forth first a dove, then a swallow and lastly a raven, which does not 

return to the ship. Thereupon he lets out all his "passengers" to the 

four winds, and offers a sacrifice. The gods, smelling the aroma 

as in Atra-hasis, "crowded like flies about the sacrificer. "^" Ishtar 

and the jewels are brought into the context here too, with the idea that 

the jewels are a memorial remembering the flood. Enlil is excluded 

because he perpetrated the crime. 

Utnapishtim is specifically called Atra-hasIs, "the exceedingly 
wise," in line 187. Enlil seems to abate some of his anger and by 
11. 193-4, he pronounces a blessing upon the Babylonian Noah and his 

■'Hitherto Utnapishtim has been but a man; 

But now Utnapishtim and his wife shall be like unto us 



Thus the close similarities can be seen between Atra-hasis and 
Gilgames XI. As has been said Atra-hasIs is the older of the two, its 
copy dating from the Old Babylonian with an archetype perhaps as early 
as ca. 1800 B. C. Both compositions are part myth and part epic . 
Both show the marks of wisdom literature in their themes of introspec- 
tion. It must be remembered both heroes are "wise men. " Simply 
because it is longer and better preserved at key points of flood- story 
interest, Gilgames remains the more detailed document on the flood. 


In Genesis 6:5-9:19 the author of the Book of Genesis, Moses, 
writes concerning God's judgment of the world by a flood. Immediately 
one is struck by the solemnity of the story: niD' X"^''^ ' '^^^ 

Lord/Jehovah saw" the wickedness of man. There is no pantheon of gods 
conniving against one another. There is no "noise" prompting the de- 
struction by the flood. The God of Heaven is hardly dismayed over all 
the noise men may make. The problem here in Genesis is not organ- 
ization or the lack of it, the problem is that "every imagination of the 
thoughts" of man "was only evil continually" (Gen. 6:5). Such a world 
wide problem as moral corruption is so vastly more realistic than noise. 

In 6:14 God tells Noah to build a 7)2.^ , "an ark. "88 The 
ark will be of sturdier construction than mere reeds: it will be of 
1S>^~X^ V » "gopher wood," The ark will be covered with "^ £)'3 , 

"pitch. "89 The dimensions of Noah's ark are superior as well. It is 
not square but more boatshaped. All three accounts speak of the boat, 
the pitch and the door. God promises deliverance to Noah in 6:17; Enki 
indicates that Atra-hasis will "save life," if he escapes as planned. ^^ 

Only in the Biblical account is the number of animals to be brought 
into the ark realistic. The tablet is marred in Atra-hasTs 111:3:32 ff . , 
but indiscriminate numbers of birds (?), cattle (?) and other wild crea- 
tures (?), plus Atra-hasis' family, go on board. "■'• The "clean beast" 
of Genesis 7:2 may be reflected in the elluti of 111:2:32.^^ 

The duration of the actual rain is more realistic also. Forty 
days and nights are cataclysmic duration on a world-wide scale. Six 
or seven davs is far less believable. The flood of Genesis lasted 371 
days.^^ With the words of Genesis 7:11, >0* J "• ^ /I " 4^ 'IVpHJ 

•lTl^i^3I a^^ldT) ^'anXl nun am y^, the action and extent 

of the flood are clear. The niphal verbs here show that these natural 


forces were acted upon by an outside Agent, God. One might assume 
that Enki's Apsu erupted adding to the waters, but the only clear 
statements have to do with Adad's roaring in the clouds, e. g. , in 
111:2:49, 53 of Atra-hasls. 

The closing of the boat's door is treated variously. Genesis 

7:16 states simply, 17^3. iHTl' I'^it)''!* What obliging soul 
~:,— : ' — 

brought the kupru ("pitch") for Atra-hasis to close his door?^'* Then 
that one was swept away in the flood? 

Very little is said about the amount and the subsequent assuaging 
of the waters. Even if this is the case, it is a little difficult to see 
how one could say of Gilgames XI that it portrays a local flood, since 
the mountains were submerged. That claim is better supported with 
respect to Atra-hasTs, but chiefly from silence, because the latter does 
not give any real clue as to the extent of the flood. 

The destruction of man and beast is deemed complete, however. 
This would imply a universal catastrophe for both Atra-hasis and Gil- 
games. All flesh died; the waters had to seek out all, in effect. Gen- 
esis 7:21-23 is most plain on this point. 

Atra-hasis 111:5:30 may have a reference to the sending of some 
kind of bird to find dry land. "^ Gilgames clearly indicates a dove, 
swallow and raven, while Genesis employs a raven and a dove. 

Atra-hasis does not give the place of the ark's landing. Mt. 
Ni^ir should be identified with Pir Omar Gudrun in Kurdistan, accord- 
ing to Speiser. ^6 Ararat (h^^X ^ID ) has generally been thought to 

T T — . .. T 

coincide with the mountain of that name in what was ancient Urartu, the 

Q7 * 

region of Lake Van. ^' 

The altar that Noah built is "paralleled" in the Babylonian epics , 
as has been shown. The words f) T] "* J 7) fl^n^-OX "il I iP Til^h 

- •_—.,"•> -T- 

"and the Lord smelled the sweet savor" (Gen. 8:21), have their grossly 
polytheistic analogy in both Atra-liasTs and Gilgames. Leupold has said 
that God "viewed the sentiments behind the sacrifice with satisfaction. "^° 

If there is a blessing on Atra-hasis at the end of his epic, it is 
missing. 111:7 is about childbirth and seems as if it has no real con- 
nection with the rest of the poem. Utnapishtim obtains immortality and 
goes to live somewhere in the West. Noah receives a promise from 
God that He will not judge the earth by water again. The Covenant is 


given to Noah; there is no Babylonian counterpart to the covenant. 


After languishing in museum collections for nearly a century, the 
Epic of Atra-hasTs has at last been presented to the scholarly world in a 
more readable form. The process is as yet incomplete. It is hoped 
that more fragments may be added to the missing sections of Tablet III. 
Such a discovery would enhance Flood studies even more. It must be 
admitted at this point that Gilgamel XI is still the chief extra -biblical 
document on the Flood from the standpoint of completeness and parallels. 
Gilgames is a dynamic composition; its story is quite captivating. All 
of its twelve tablets constitute a marvel of ancient literature, surpassed 
only by Scripture itself. Atra-hasis, on the other hand, is somewhat 
colorless by comparison. Lambert has forewarned his readers on this 
account: "a modern reader must not expect to find our translation im- 
mediately appealing or fully intelligible. "99 The greatest appeal in Atra- 
hasis must be, in the final analysis, for the philologist. The present 
author has only given a taste of the rich mine of comparative Unguis - 
tical material in the epic. As to content, it may be reiterated with 
previous generations of academicians, all accounts -- Atra-^jasTs, Gil- 
games XI (including the Sumerian flood story of Ziusudra, purposely 
not touched upon here) and the Genesis Flood --go back to an actual, 
historical occurrence of a world-wide flood catastrophe. The inspira- 
tion of the Holy Spirit has preserved the Biblical account without any 
mythology, polytheism or low moral concepts, and its very text has 
been supernaturally preserved as well. 


1. E. A. Speiser, trans., "Atrahasis" (in Ancient Near Eastern 
Texts, James B. Pritchard, ed. 2nd edition. Princeton: Prince- 
ton University Press, 1955), pp. 104-6. 

2. W. G. Lambert and A. R. Millard, Atra-^iasTs : The Babylonian 
Story of the Flood (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969, pp. 42-105. 
Recent periodical discussions by these co-authors include: Lam- 
bert, "New Light on the Babylonian Flood," Journal of Semitic 
Studies, 5/2:113-23, April, 1960; and Millard, "A New Babylonian 
'Genesis' Story," Tyndale Bulletin, 18:3-18, 1967. 

3. Lambert, Atra-jjasis , pp. 134-7. 

4. E. g. , cf. Samuel Noah Kramer, The Sumerians (Chicago: The 
University of Chicago Press, 1967), pp. 3-32. 

5. Work continues on the smaller mound until very recently, cf. 
Geoffrey Turner, "Tell Nebi Yunus: The Ekal Ma^arti of Nine- 
veh, " Jraq, 32/1:68 (and especially pi. XV), Spring, 1970. 


6. Layard's works are well known. Some of them Include: Nine - 
veh and its Remains (new edition; 2 vols, in 1. New York: 
George P. Putnam, 1852); also A Popular Account of Discoveries 
at Nineveh ^bridged; New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers , 

7. Layard's remarks on his second expedition are interesting, cf. 
his Discoveries Among the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon (New 
York: G. P. Putnam and Company, 1853), pp. 67ff. 

8. Lambert, Atra-fa^sis , p. 2 

9. George Smith, Assyrian Discoveries (3rd edition. New York : 
Scribner, Armstrong and Company, 1876), pp. 2-3. 

10. Ibid. , p. 4. 

11. Lambert, Atra-l;}asls , p. 3. 

12. Ibid. 

13. Dates are according to the "middle chronology" on Hammurapi , 
as presented by J. A. Brinkman in A. Leo Oppenheim, Ancient 
Mesopotamia (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1968), 
pp. 335-52. 

14. Theophilus G. Pinches, The Old Testament in the Light of the 
Historical Records and Legends of Assyria and Babylonia (London: 
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1902), p. 117. This 
fragment is from Scheil and has come to be denominated "W" in 
Lambert, cf. the latter 's p. 129. 

15. As early as 1902, J., e. , at the time of Pinches' first edition of 
his work quoted immediately above. Pinches is willing to. say, 
p. 117: "It is not improbable that the fragment published by the 
Rev. V. Scheil, O. P., belongs to this legend. ..." Pinches 
does not seem as convinced as Lambert implies he was. 

16. Lambert, A tra-hasls , pp. 4-5. 

17. Ibid., p. 5. 

18. Ibid . , pp. 32, 42. 

19. Ibid . , p. 31, n. 1; cf. also Rene Labat, Manuel d'Epigraphie 
Akkadienne ( quatrieme edition ; Paris : Imprimerie Nationale , 
1963), pp. 210-11. 

20. The sign is l^i^ in Old Babylonian, and is found in phrases 

such as ina k aspi ( KU . B ABBAR )-su, "in his silver, " cf. E. Berg- 
mann , Codex Hammurabi : Textus Primigenius (editio tertia ; 
Roma: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1953), p. 8 (Law 35, 
line 3, of the Code). 
21. 1.8' in the edict reads, in part, ku. babbar^ "^, "and silver," F. 

R. Kraus , E in- Edikt des Konigs Ammi-saduqa von Babylon. 
Studla et Document a ad iu r a Orientis Antiq ui Pertinerita, Vol . V 
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1958), p. 18, Incidentally, Clay has an- 
other version of the name of the scribe in the collophon: Azag- 


dAya , cf. Albert T. Clay, A Hebrew Deluge Story in Cuneiform 
and Other Epic Fragments in the Pierpont Morgan Library . Yale 
Oriental Series, Researches , Vol . V-3 . (New Haven: Yale Uni- 
versity Press, 1922), p. 61. 

22. Cf. Brinkman in Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia , p. 337. 

23. Lambert, Atra-hasis, p. 131. 

24. Ibid ., pp. 132-3. 

25. The "etiological motif" was first popularized by Gunkel and is still 
a topic of current discussion, cf. F. Golka, "Zur Erforschung der 
Atiologien in Alten Testament," Vetus Testamentum , 20/1:90, Jan- 
uary, 1970. 

26. Giorgio Buccellati, "Religions of the Ancient Near East" (unpub- 
lished lecture notes. University of California, Los Angeles, Cal- 
ifornia) , April 16,_1970. 

27. Lambert, Atra -basis, pp. 42-3. 

28. The word fi. KUR niay be subdivided: E is "temple" and KUR is 
"mountain, " in Sumerian/Akkadian. Thus the Ekur in Nippur was 
the "mountain temple, " Enlil's ziggurat;cf. Buccellati, "Religions," 
April 28, 1970. 

29. Nusku calls Enlil Beli, "my lord. " This name has had a wide 
distribution in Semitic languages and is seen in the West Semitic 

7Vi, "to marry, rule over;" 7o'3., "owner, lord," and the 
many compound names using this epithet, Francis Brown, S. R. 
Driver and C. A. Briggs, eds. , A Hebrew and English Lexicon 
of the Old Testament (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1962), pp. 
127-8 (Hereafter BDB) . 

30. The word liqi is an imperative from lequ in 1:171. 

31. The name indicates "Mistress/Lady of the gods." By L 247 Ma- 
mi has undergone what Moran terms "a change of status" to be- 
let kala ill, "Mistress of all the gods," William L. Moran, "The 
Creation of Man in Atra-hasis 1 192-248, " Bulletin of the Amer - 
ican Schools of Oriental Research, 200:48-9, December 1970. 

32. The term libnTma is from banu , final weak, analogous to the 

Hebrew DJIL"to build." 
r T 

33. Lullu is to be taken here as lullu-awilum , "mankind, "Lambert, 
At ra- basis, pp. 175, 187. 

34. The usual word for "mother " in Babylonian is ummu, R. Borger, 
Babylonische-assyrische Lesestucke (Roma: Pontificium Institu- 
tum Biblicum, 1963), p. LXXXVI. 

35. Nintu is but one of the many names of the mother-goddess. 
The name means "queen who gives birth, " according to Kra- 
mer, Sumerlan Mythology: A Study of Spiritual and Literary 
Achievement in the Third Millennium B. C . (revised edition; New 
York: Harper and Brothers, 1961), p. 41. 


36. 1:200, Lambert, Atra-faasTs , pp. 56-7. 

37. Ibid . , p. 153, n. 223 

38. The word for "spirit" is ejemmu, "ghost, " Ibid. , p. 177. There 
is, of course, no analogy to the Holy Spirit. 

39. Simtu is a word normally translated "fate" or destiny, " Oppen- 
heim. Ancient Mesopotamia , p. 201. These renderings are mis- 
leading, though, because the Akkadian word means much more 
than the connotation in English. "Destinies" can be conceived 
concretely, they can be written down, hence a "table of des- 
tinies. " The power of the gods is not inherent in Babylonian 
thought, but is in a god's power to hold onto the destinies, cf. 
Buccellati, "Religions," April 21, 1970. 

40. The text reads "600.600 mu.^. a. " Lambert, Atra-hasis , p. 66. 
"To acquire a god" was to experience unexpected good fortune . 
Jacobsen says: "In Sumerian religion the power whose presence 
was felt in such experiences was given form from the situation 
and was envisaged as a benevolent father or mother figure con- 
cerned with the individual in question and bent on furthering his 
fortunes, " Thorkild Jacobsen, "Formative Tendencies in Sumer- 
ian Religion" (in The Bible and the Ancient Near East , G. Ernest 
Wright, editor. Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Com- 
pany, hic. , 1961), p. 270. 

42. Lambert, Atra-j}asis, p. 71. 

43. Like Baal in his actions, his name appears in many personal 
names, e. g. , ^Samsi- Addu , SamSi'^Adad, king of Assyria, cf, 
Georges Dossin , Correspondance de SamSi - Addu. Archives 
Royales de Mari , _I (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1950), p. 34 
(ARM 1:7:3). 

44. Lambert, Atra-hasis , p. 10. 

45. The frequent breaks in the text have caused Lambert to number 
Tablet II differently. 

46. The Babylonians believed everything floated (?) in a heavenly 
ocean, Buccellati, "Religions," April 9, 1970. 

47. Lambert, Atra-faasTs , p. 11, cf. George Smith, The Chaldean 
Account of Genesis (4th edition; London: Sampson Low, Marston, 
Searle, and Rivington, 1876). 

48. For the relevant lines, cf. Gilgame^ XI:21-2 in E. A. Speiser, 
trans., "The Epic of Gilgamesh" (in Ancient Near Eastern Texts , 
James B. Pritchard, ed. 2nd edition, Princeton: Princeton Uni- 
versity Press, 1955), p. 93. 

49. Again, the words "build a boat, " bini eleppa show that in "to 
build" a boat and "to create" a man, banu / 77 J H is used synon- 

T T 

ymously. It is interesting to note that in Genesis 2:22, ?JL'^1, 
from tillL , is used in the creation of Eve. ' *** ' 


50. Actually ^Samas, the sun god, is indicated. 

51. Abubu is "flood" in Babylonian, fromT^'bb, or ebebu , "to puri- 
fy, clean, " Borger, Lesestucke, p. LIII. 

52. Lambert, Atra -basis , p. 160. 

53. Ibid ., pp. 125, 167n. 

54. Cf. Speiser, "The Myth of Zu" (in Ancient Near Eastern Texts , 
James B. Pritchard, editor, 2nd edition. Princeton: Princeton 
University Press, 1955), p. Ill ff. 

55. Nintu has feverish lips, a disease, Lambert, Atra^|iasis , p. 161. 

56. The word zubbu is "fly" in Atra -basis . In the Ugaritic literature 
il. dbb is used, where it probably means "Lord of the Fly, " Cyrus 
H. Gordon, Ugaritic Textbook (Roma: Pontificium Institutum 
Biblicum, 1965), p. 388. The ^~d is phonemically assured. 
II Kings 1:3 and Matt. 12:24 are later instances of this pheno- 
menon of the king of demons. 

57. Lambert, Atra-hasTs, p. 163, 

58. Ibid. , Gilgame§ XI;167-9 accuses Enlil alone. 

59. Ibid . , p. 164. 

60. BDB, p. 274. Hebrew equivalents are: 7)1>0f and l'>3^, "song, 
melody. " 

61. Lambert, Atra-hasls , p. 165. 

62. Cf. Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia , p. 255. 

63. * Cf. Speiser, "Gilgamesh, " p. 88, n. 143, and also cf. Thorkild 

Jacobsen, The Sumerian King List. Assyriological Studies, No. 
n (Chicagoi The University of Chicago Press, 1966), pp.76-7,a34 
Ubar-Tutu the father (?) of Utnapishtim is recorded in the king 
list, but Ziusudra, Utnapishtim 's Sumerian name, is missing. 

64. Speiser, "Gilgamesh, " pp. 92 ff. 

65. Alexander Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Par - 
allels (2nd edition; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 
1967), p. 80. 

66. Speiser, "Gilgamesh, " p. 93. 

67. Cf. Borger, Lesestucke , III, Tafel 60, Hne 11. It must be due 
to scribal error that this reading is ^ ^-^Su-ri-pak when it should 
be "^^Su-ru-pak . 

68. Ibid. , line 14: there is ff ^i^ ^~< , a-bu-bi, "flood. " 

69. Ibid., II, 94. '■ ^ "^"^ 

70. Ibid, Mlk designates "king" in Hebrew, but the idea inherent is 
"counselor" in Akkadian. Certainly the two are closely aligned . 

71. Henri Frankfort, _et al. , Before Philosophy (reprinted: Baltimore: 
Penguin Books, 1968), p. 267. 

72. Speiser, "Gilgamesh, " p. 93. 

73. Translation by Heidel, Gilgamesh, p. 81, 1. 29. 

74. Borger, Lesestucke , III, Tafel 61. 

75. Heidel, Gilgamesh, p. 82. 

76. Speiser, "Gilgamesh, p. 93. 


77. Heidel, Gilgamesh, p. 82 

78. Speiser, '"Gilgamesh," p. 94. 

79. It is an easy matter to trace, ^ Utu of the Sumerians through 
Samas of the Akkadians to U'/iW , the word for "sun " in the 
Old Testament. 

80. Speiser, "Gilgamesh," p. 94, n. 205. 

81. Ibid . ; cf. Lambert, Atra-faasTs , p. 93 

82. There is a broken sign ( vA\^^ ). This could be restored to 

4^, KUR, Sumerian; sadil, Akkadian, "mountain which is what 
Speiser is supposing. 

83. The Sumerian Inanna . 

84. Vide infra. 

85. Instead cf anything analogous to /i 17)^*1 ^ilX , "four winds, " 
in Hebrew, the text here has the numerical -^^ a .vt r._j„-i^__ » 

(4.IM. MES ), 4 sari, "four winds," Borger, Lesestilcke , I LXXXI; 
II, 99; III, Tafel 65. 

86. Speiser, "Gilgamesh, " p. 95. 

87. Heidel, Gilgamesh, p. 88. 

88. John Skinner, A .Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis 
( in The International Critical Commentary , S. R. Driver, , 
eds. 2nd edition. Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, 1930), p. 160 ; 
and G. J. Spurrell, Notes on the Text of the Book of Genesis 
(2nd edition, revised; Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1896) , p. 
76, think that this is possibly an Egyptian loanword, perhaps 
teb( t), "chest, sarcophagus." It is interesting that the Egyptian 
word for "box" is written (^ K"^ . The first sign, j ] , 

stands for a reed shelter in the field, the awvV^a is the sign 
for water, and the last is a determinative for any kind of box 
or coffin. The resultant word is hn . 

If, however, the word is db§. t in Egyptian, as Ludwig Koehler 
and Walter Baumgartner, "eds. , Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti 
Libros (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1951), p. 1017, say, then Gardiner 
lists in his grammar db§w, "floats, " under -^ fl iA. ^*-*^'^ . 

the first sign of which indicates "reed floats used in fishing and 
hunting the hippopotamus, " Alan Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar 
(3rd ed. , revised; London: Oxford University Press, 1966), 
p. 514, cf. also A. S. Yaduda, The Language of the Pentateuch 
in its Relation to Egyptian (London: Oxford University Press , 
1933), I, 15*. 

89. BDB, p. 498. The equivalent is given in Atra-hasTs , 111:1:33, 
kupru = n S O . 

90. Lambert, Atra-hasis, pp. 88-9, 


91. Ibid. , pp. 92-3. 

92. Ibid . , p. 178; the verb elelu, "be pure," has as its noun ellu , 
"pure. " 

93. John C. Whitcomb, Jr., and Henry M. Morris, T he Genesis Flood 
Philadelphia: The Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Company, 
1962), p. 3. 

94. Lambert, Atra-hasTs , pp. 92-3. The words are [k]u-up-ru ba- 
bi-il . The verb is from abalu , "to carry, " The form babil does 
not look passive, but it is well-attested that from Old Akkadian 
on by- forms with an initial b are passive, Ignace J. Gelb, et al. , 
The Assyrian Dictionary (Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 1964), 
vol. I, pt. I, pp. 10, 28-9. "Pitch was brought" is the correct 

95. Lambert, Atra-hasis , p. 98; the words ana larT , "to the winds, 
are all that is left. 

96. Speiser, "Gilgamesh, " p. 94, n. 212. 

97. Cf. the Assyrian Empire map in the unnumbered back pp. of 
Georges Roux, Ancient Iraq (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Pelican 
Books, 1966). The present writer has long wondered what con- 
nection is possible between the biblical Mt. Ararat and the "city 
state of Aratta, probably situated somewhere in the region of the 
Caspian Sea, "Kramer, The Sumerians, p. 42. Uraryu itself had 
a long history and appears, e. g. , in Sargon's eighth campaign 
in the late eighth century, B. C. , cf. Francois Thureau-Dangin , 
Une Relation de la Huiti^me Campagne de Sargon . Textes cune- 
iformes, Musee du Louvre , III (Paris: Librairie Paul Geuth- 
ner, 1912), 1. 61; p. 12, pi. III. 

98. H. C. Leupold, Exposition of Genesis (Grand Rapids: Baker Book 
House, 1950), I, 322. The Targum is careful to avoid such an- 
thropomorphisms. Genesis 8:22 reads there: l"* ^'Il\>] 

.. T :h- - ^i"^;-: ''and the Lord received/accepted with 
pleasure his sacrifice/gift, " cf. Marcus Jastrow, comp. , A Dic- 
tionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and 
the Midrashic Literature (New York: Pardes Publishing Company, 
1950), II, 1309, 1486 and 1411, for the terms. 62.0, the 

Pael here, is "he received"; -^^^.i is "pleasure," and ?*ITp, 
the term referred to in Mark 7:11, "Corban" (A. S. V. ). ' ^ ''"^ 

99. Lambert, Atra-i}asTs , p. 6. 



Instructor in Near Eastern Civilizations 

University of Akron 

I Uustrations 


Virginia Benson 

The problem of the ethnic derivation of peoples in the ancient 
Near East, not to mention the investigation of their inter- relationships , 
forms an extremely complex study. 

The famous "Table of Nations" in Genesis chapter 10 has been 
called by W. F. Albright "an astonishingly accurate document. " It sup- 
plies us with the first Biblical reference to a people of extraordinary 
interest, not only to the Hebrews, but to the Egyptians, Babylonians , 
and Canaanites as well. The problem raised by the question of the 
origin of this race has produced an avalanche of scholarly literature, 
none of which has advanced much beyond the classic, almost ironic , 
terseness of Deuteronomy 2:23: "The Caphtorim. . . came forth out 
of Caphtor. " Where was Caphtor? Who were the Caphtorim? These 
are the fascinating questions which we shall proceed to investigate. 


The question, "Who were the Caphtorim" is not quite as simple 
as one may gather by consulting the average atlas or ancient history 
text. The Bible nowhere specifically gives a location for the land of 
Caphtor, although it seems to be an island or coastland from the ref- 
erence in Jeremiah 47:4. Likewise, the Philistines are said to have 
come from Caphtor, but beyond this the Bible gives very little informa- 
tion. Other languages in the Near East have provided words which are 
linguistically parallel to the Hebrew term Caphtor, as the Egyptian 
Keftiu , and the Akkadian K aptara . These diverse literatures provide 
supplementary clues which are of great value in analyzing the problem. 



The search for a homeland for these mysterious people has been 
expanded into the far corners of the ancient world, though it must be 
admitted, without conclusive results. The nature of the inquiry and its 
significance has been succinctly stated by H. R. Hall: 

One of the most important inquiries in the ancient 
history of the Near East relates to the explanation, in 
the light of modern archaeological research, of the 
Egyptian records of connections. . . with certain sea- 
faring tribes of the Mediterranean coasts, apparently 
Cyprus, the southern coast of Asia Minor, Crete, and 
the Aegean. 

A great variety of views has emerged from the study of the 
sources. The translators of the LXX rendered "Caphtor" as ''Cappa- 
docia,"^ while the Ptolemaic geographers noted Phoenicia ^ as the lo- 
cale of the dimly remembered Keftiu-land . This ancient confusion has 
persisted down to modern times. Young's Analytical Concordance seeks 
to place Caphtor in Egypt, claiming that the name is preserved in that 
of the old Egyptian city Coptus.^ The discovery of Egyptian tomb^5ain^ 
ings indicating Keftiu as a foreign land has effectively dealt a death- 
blow to this theory, but the problem of the alleged Hamitic origin of 
the Caphtorim (Gen. 10:14), and eventually of the Philistine, still re- 

Only two theories have been seriously considered within the last 
hundred years due to the addition of archaeological science to the arsenal 
of critical scholarship. Perhaps the majority of Biblical and classical 
scholars today favor Crete as the site of Caphtor Keftiu, following S ir 
Arthur Evans' identification, made in 1900. This idea has been strength- 
ened by subsequent spectacular discoveries on the island, especially at 
Knossos. It must be admitted, however, that the discoveries from Crete 
fall short of proof for the identification. On the other hand, they do 
provide material that links Crete in some way with important Egyptian 
evidence for the location of Keftiu. 

The alternative view, which has drawn much recent attention, has 
as its foremost proponent G. A. Wainright. He cites an impressive list 
of scholars who have supported the idea of an Asiatic Keftiu, which he 
places in Cilicia Tracheia. Between 1892 and 1898, such notables as 
Steindorff, Mueller, and Von Bissing all contended that Keftiu was to be 
found in North Syria, Cyprus, or Cilicia. 

As long ago as 1857, however. Birch identified Keftiu with Bibli- 
cal Caphtor, which he thought to be either Crete, or preferably, Cyprus. 
Brugsch supported Crete in the same year. ° And so the debate continues , 



while the unhappy Caphtorim, like wandering ghosts, cannot be laid to 
rest because an a/bode has never been found for them. 


Nunnerous ancient sources supply information that may, if prop- 
erly interpreted, enable us to trace the travels and discover the origins 
of the Caphtorim. One major problem, however, is the confusion which 
seems to be attached to the term Keftiu from its very inception around 
2000 B. C. The Egyptian scribes, especially, reflect considerable un- 
certainty in referring to Keftiu. Nevertheless, a general picture emerges 
from the ancient references, the outlines of which can be traced into a 
fairly consistent picture. 

Literary Evidence 

Hebrew Literature - -The Biblical evidence has been alluded to 
above. Its main contribution is to associate the Philistines with Caphtor . 
The Philistines, in turn, have been connected with the Purasati, or sea- 
peoples whom Ramesses III subdued (ca. 1200 B. C. ). The "r" in the 
name is the Egyptian equivalent of the Semitic "1". Therefore Pursati, 
Pilishti, and Philistines are believed to be equivalent, 9 But the deeper 
and more important question relates to the origin of the Philistines . 
These sea-peoples are thought to have derived from the Aegean area, 
but again certain strands of evidence point in the direction of Asia Minon 
In essence, the problem boils down to this: If we knew where the Phi- 
listines originated, we should be able to find Caphtor. Conversely, if 
we could only locate Caphtor, we should be able to find where the Phi- 
listines originated. In consequence, we are arguing in a circle from 
the Biblical evidence alone. 

It can be claimed equally well that the sea peoples came either 
from Crete or the coastlands of southern Asia Minor, if one bases his 
theory on the route of conquest followed by the invaders. They advanced 
southward down the Mediterranean coast of the Levant, ending in Egypt. 
The characteristic feather headdresses of the Philistines shown on the 
reliefs from Medinet Habu correspond to those included as signs on the 
Phaistos disk. The source of this style, however, is probably Anatolia , 
so definite proof is still lacking as to the actual homeland of the Philis- 
tines. The weight of scholarly opinion still favors Crete. This uncer- 
tainty also renders the evidence regarding the Philistines and their or- 
igin somewhat inconclusive as well. 

There are other references which are often adduced as further 
evidence that Caphtor should be equated with Crete. David's bodyguard 
was formed of certain mercenary contingents called Cherethites and 


Pelethites, commanded by Benaiah the son of Jehoiada (2 Sam. 8:18). 
The names may simply mean "executioners" and "swift ones" (both 
appropriate for their tasks), or as has been more probably supposed, 
they may be toponyms referring to the tribe of Cherethites (I Sam . 
30:14) and inhabitants of the village of Beth-Pelet (Josh. 15:27). In any 
case, these were both located in Philistine territory. The LXX trans- 
lates the name Cherethites as "Cretans" in both Ezekiel 25:16 and Zeph- 
aniah 2:5. The translators may have been guided only by the sound, 
but the deity Zeus Cretagenes in Gaza suggests a connection with the 
Island of Crete. ^^ Thus the tenuous, although perhaps correct, equa- 
tion of Caphtor with Crete via the connection of Caphtorim --Philistines - - 
Cherethites --Cretans. 

Egyptian Literature- -The Egyptian literary evidence apart from 
the funerary paintings is quite extensive. Keftiu is spelled various v/ays 
in the hieroglyphs , but the general rendering apart from minor variations 
is kftyw followed by the determinative for foreign lands. ^^ Two signi- 
ficant variants, k3f_ty w and kftw , appear in Dynasty 19 and may indicate 
the vocalization. It certainly approximates that of Caphtor. 

The first mention of Keftiu occurs in the famous lamentation of 
Ipu-wer at the end of the Old Kingdom. 

No one really sails north to Byblos today. What shall 
we do for cedar for our mummies? Priests were bur- 
ied with their produce, and (nobles) were embalmed with 
the oil thereof as far away as Keftiu, (but) they come 
no (longer) . ^2 

This earliest reference to Keftiu seems to demand a place as far 
away as the ends of the earth, that is, to the limits of Egyptian know- 
ledge. Crete fits this requirement better than any other place, and 
merits consideration in this regard above Cilicia, which can hardly have 
been construed as much farther than Byblos in the minds of the Egyptians . 

The eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties furnish most of the liter- 
ary texts mentioning Keftiu as a place-name. It is listed in company 
with other countries under Amenhotep II, Amenhotep III, Thutmose III, 
and Ramesses 11.^^ The countries are all equated with the region of 
Northern Mesopotamia, Northern Syria, Cyprus, and Cilicia, according 
to Wainright's thesis. The places themselves --Nahrin, Retenu, Qedesh, 
Tunip, Ikariti, Tikhsi, Sangar and Mennus --are all undeniably Asiatic, 
but it should be pointed out that the tomb paintings often relate Keftiu 
to the "Isles in the midst of the Great Green (sea). " Likewise, Thut- 
mose Ill's Hymn of Victory-^'* mentions Keftiu and Asy (Cyprus) in the 
same line, which would be consistent either with a Cretan or Cilician 


Keftiu, and would rule out neither interpretation. 

The Annals of Thutmose III provide some valuable insights into 
the kinds of commerce which obtained between Egypt and Keftiu: 

Behold all the harbors of his Majesty were supplied 
with every good thing of that which (his) Majesty re- 
ceived (in) D-'hy , consisting of Keftyew ships , Byblos 
ships, and Sk-tw ships of cedar laden with poles, and 

masts, together with great trees for the ( ) of 

his Majesty. ^ 

Of greater significance in this connection, however, is the account 
of Thutmose 's 17th campaign, listing tribute brought from various areas: 

(The tribute of the Chief) of Tinay (Ty-n'-y): a silver 
(s'-w'-b'ty) vessel of the work of Kf-tyw, together 
with vessels of iron .... 

Wainright points out that the tribute was obtained in Syria, and 
that silver is mined and worked in Cilicia. It seems plausible that 

the "work of Keftiu" here refers to the more famous and widely imitated 
Minoan style of craftsmanship. 

Ramesses II claimed to have captured Keftiu along with other, 
countries (mostly Asiatic), and Breasted admitted that this seems to place 
it in "Phoenicia or Coele-Syria. "18 If the text is taken literally--a dan- 
gerous practice when dealing with the self-adulatory Egyptian inscrip- 
tions--and if it indeed refers to Coele-Syria, then it can only be explained 
as a homophonous place name, or possibly as a scribal error. However, 
the list also names Asy (Cyprus) and Kheta (Hittite lands). The great 
Pharaoh or his scribe could easily have included Keftiu in this vast boast , 
with as much substance to the claim, even if Keftiu be read as Crete. 

Babylonian Literature - -The Akkadian word Kaptara is the philo- 
logical equivalent of Gaphtor and Keftiu in the Hebrew and Egyptian 
languages. The earliest use of the term actually occurs in an inscrip- 
tion of Sargon of Akkad (ca. 2300 B. C. ), which corresponds generally 
with its first appearance in Egypt toward the end of the Old Kingdom. 19 
Crete's first era of greatness, the Old Palatial period, was begun sub- 
sequent to these early contacts. Foreign trade probably originated in 
Early Minoan II and reached its peak in the New Palatial period. Kaptara 
is also mentioned among the correspondence of the Mari tablets, but 
there is no attempt at precise localization. A distant place in the region 
of the Taurus mountains or beyond is implied in all the references oc- 
curring in Akkadian. One document found at Ugarit and dated to the 


reign of Ramesses IF^ mentions a boat as coming from Kaptara, which 
causes us to look westward for the identification of this place as one of 
the major seafaring and trading nations of antiquity. Again, Crete or 
the Mycenaean world fit this description best. 

Canaanite Literature - -There is important evidence from an Ugar- 
itic religious poem which places the chief seat of the craftsman god in 
Kaphtor and implies a considerable cultural indebtedness to Crete; 
Proof is lacking for Gordons thesis that Ketet is somehow related to Crete. 

In this epic, 
. . . the messengers of the gods are sent (flying ) 
over the sea by way of Byblos (Gebal) to fetch the god 
of handcrafts, Kothar Wa-khasis, from his throne in 
Kaphtor (Crete). He is brought to build a palace for 
Baal; but elsewhere he is concerned with fine metal - 
working, melting down precious metals to cast a dias 
of silver covered with gold and fashioning a throne, a 
couch, and a footstool. The compelling impression 
made by the volatile Minoan genius is evident through- 
out the eastern Mediterranean world. ... 22 

The entire passage seems to imply a place of great distance, 
because the gods, naturally enough, are always reported to have lived 
in mysterious, inaccessible places. The idea of the origin of crafts- 
manship appears to be applied here to kaphot; could there be a rela- 
tionship between the Canaanite god of handcrafts, Kothar Wa-khasis, 
and the Greek Zeus Velchanos (Vulcan?) who was worshipped on Mount 
Dikte in eastern Crete? It is more than likely that this was the case . 
Certainly this is one of the more tantalizing clues to the location of 
Caphtor, although proof for the identification is lacking at present. 

Hittite Literature - -Apparently there exists no recognizable refer- 
ence to Keftiu Kaptara in the Hittite or Louvian literature. 24 This 
strikes a blow at Wainright's theory, although it is admittedly an argu- 
ment from silence. His explanation for the absence of the name in 
Hittite records points to the conclusion that, since the region was a 
coastland and, therefore, on the other side of the Taurus, it was "quite 
outside the purview of the Hittites. "2^ The same journal, however, in 
reporting the Cilican survey, notes that no less than sixty-one Hittite 
sites of the Imperial period were located in Cilicia proper. 26 Can the 
Hittites have been ignorant of the existence of this coastland or of its 
name? It is possible that we possess in the extant material the Louvian 
or Hittite place-name corresponding to the Akkadian Kaptara, but if this 
is so, it has not been satisfactorily explained philologically. Reference 
is made in Hittite royal correspondence, however, to the land of Ahhiyawa, 


which is generally agreed to refer to the Homeric Achaioi or the My- 

Supposed Keftian Language - -The two documents from Egypt dis- 
playing some knowledge of the Keftian language (presumably Linear A 
if Keftiu is Crete) have been shown by Wainright and Astour to have 
North Syrian or Cilician connections. This may still be explicable as 
supporting the identity of Keftiu with Crete if one accepts the attractive 
hypothesis that Linear A and Louvian are related. The so-called "Keft- 
ian Spell" is an incription invoking names of Cilician deities. 28 it 
reads, "sntkppwymntrkkr. " This is translated by Wainright as follows : 
snt--Sandas; kpp--Kupapa; and trk-Tarku. The other elements are so 
far impossible to decipher, although numerous suggestions have been 
made. Personal names from Keftiu also occur in Egypt, dating from 
ca. 1500 B. C. They are listed as, "3shr, Nsy, 3ks, 3kst, 3dn, Pnrt , 
Rs, Bn^br. " According to Wainright. "A widespread search has revealed 
scarcely any names bearing any resemblance to those of Keftiu except 
in southern Asia Minor. There, on the contrary, we get a number 
which do seem to be comparable to them. "29 

Peet claims that a discovery of contemporary inscriptions indi- 
cating the locale of these names would show merely that the language 
was spoken in that area, but would not prove the identitv of the land 
Keftiu itself. Wainright, of course, disagrees. 

Linear _B- -These documents are unsuited to normal literary and 
historical analysis as they provide neither continuous texts (for the most 
part) nor official archival material. The vocabulary is limited as 

well, but the word for Crete (Ke-re-te) is admitted by some, as is the 
term for "Cretan workmanship" (Ke-re-si-jo we-ke), first recognized 
by Palmer. Whether or not there is any connection between these eth- 
nic terms and an earlier syllabic spelling of Caphtor/Keftiu remains to 
be seen. It is an intriguing question which is, in essence, tied up with 
the decipherment of Linear A. 

To summarize the literary evidence, particularly the Egyptian, 
we may refer to the work of Jean Vercoutter, L'Egypte et le monde 
egeen prehellenique . This admirable synthesis has produced, according 
to William Stevenson Smith, "what seems to be overwhelming evidence 
for the identification of Keftiu. . . as Crete. "^-'■ 

Modern scholars are not in a position to evaluate geographical 
designations from ancient times as precisely as may be desired. Neither 
can ethnic identity always be established by examining minute aspects 
of the physiognomy, religion, or cultural elements of ancient peoples. 
But rigid and exact philological texts can frequently be used to obtain 


accurate information. Literary usage can often provide helpful data as 
well. Vercoutter's analysis of the term Keftiu shows its changing use 
by the Egyptians over a period of time, and helps to explain some of 
the problems attached to the name. 

Two terms were used by the Egyptians for the Aegean region. 
These were the problematical Keftiu, and "The Islands in the midst of 
the Great Green. " The following outline will show the historical inter- 
pretation suggested by Vercoutter. 

1. Earliest use of the term Keftiu- -This designation for groups 
of foreigners is found as early as the end of the Old Kingdom, and 
roughly at the same time Kaptara appears in an inscription of Sargon 
of Akkad. This fits in with the idea that the original contacts between 
Keftiu and Egypt occurred at the beginning of the heyday of Cretan civ- 

2. Introduction of a new term- -The terms Keftiu and "Islands 
in the midst of the Great Green" are found in conjunction in the tomb 
of the Vizier Rekhmire during the reign of Thutmose III. Historically , 
one may infer that the new term, "Islands in the midst of the Great 
Green" was designed to describe the Mycenaeans , who first came in 
touch with Egypt during the time of Thutmose III. 

3. Latest use of the term Keftiu- -Apparently the last use of 
the term Keftiu is found on a stone vessel in the tomb of Thutmose IV , 
placed in his tomb by his son Amenhotep III. This bit of evidence fits 
into the usually accepted chronological scheme regarding the destruction 
of Knossos, and would, by thus matching, help to explain why the term 
drops out of use. 

4. Final period of use- -Subsequent use of the term "Islands in 
the midst of the Great Green" coincides with the great expansion of 
Mycenaean trade indicated by the wide distribution of Mycenaean pottery 
in Egypt and the Levant. 


A practical explanation for this phenomenon is suggested by 

Both were perhaps first encountered by the Egyptians 
in Syrian harbors and to the Egyptians the Cretans and 
Mycenaeans, appeared so clearly related in culture that 
it was hard to distinguish one from the other. Grad- 
ually the Etyptians became conscious of a new, more 
distant element to which they applied a different geo- 
graphical term. 


Pictorial Evidence 

The controversy between the two alternatives of a Cilician or a 
Cretan Kef tiu has raged mainly over the important Egyptian tomb paint- 
ings and their interpretation, rather than the literary evidence. These 
form the chief factor in the argument of Evans and others linking Keftiu 
with Crete. 

A bewildering variety of opinions have been voiced by scholars , 
and sharply different conclusions have been drawn, all based on the 
same evidence. Smith remarks, "The same pictures of these for- 
eigners have been used to show that they came from Crete or from the 
mainland of Greece or from western Asia. "^^ Miss Kantor concurs , 
asserting, "We may safely say that the Aegeans in Egyptian tombs 
cannot be differentiated into Minoans or mainlanders by their physical 
appearance or dress. "^4 

Nevertheless, there is general agreement that genuine Minoans 
do appear, at least in the tomb of Senmut, in spite of later divergence 
and confusion in detail from the other tombs. Two main issues spring 
from an examination of the tomb paintings : Can the term Keftiu be 
linked to a particular geographical area on the basis of these paintings; 
and to what extent can the minute details of the paintings be used as 

It must be admitted that there is no evidence from the tombs to 
prove that the term Keftiu itself refers specifically and exclusively to 
Crete. The main argument in favor of this identification, as we have 
seen, is the historical concidence of Egyptian contacts with Minoan civ- 
ilization. We shall deal with the question of the accuracy of the pic- 
torial evidence later, but it should be observed that certain valuable 
clues to the ethnic identity of the people depicted on the monuments is 
to be expected. "Such peculiar personal adornments and fashions of 
dressing the hair are, as all students of ethnology know, matters of 
tribal custom, and extremely important as criteria of race. "35 

A survey of the tomb paintings and their significance is necessary 
in order to evaluate these factors. 

1. Chapel of Senmut at Thebes -- 

The dress, hair style, and vessels dipicted are all definitely 
Cretan. Wainright claims that this tomb is the only one showing un- 
mistakable Cretan garb. Unfortunately, there is no inscription pre- 
served. (Cf. Fig. 1 for a drawing of these famous emissaries.) 


Fig. 1 Cretans depicted In a painting from the Chapel of Senmut at Thebes. 

Fig. 3 Keftian, Chapel of Rekhnira 
(Theban tranb 100) 

Fige 2 Keftian, Chapel of Menkheperraseneb (Theban tomb 86) 


II. Chapel of Menkheperraseneb (Theban tomb 86)-- 

This tomb is located in the cliff of Shekh Abdel-Kurna at Thebes. 
Breasted describes the scene as follows: 

Two lines o^ Asiatics bring forward splendid and richly 
chased vessels of gold, silver, etc. The Asiatics 
are designated as "The chief of Keftyew, the Chief of 
Keftyew, the Chief of Kheta, the Chief of Tunip (tnpw), 
the Chief of Kadesh'.^"^ 

Hall, in referring to tomb 86, claims that the offerings are badly 
drawn but recognizable as Cretan. The Cretan coiffure is plain, but 
the kilts are "not specially Cretan in character. "^° On the other hand, 
Wainright and others are perhaps right when they point out that these 
figures, unlike those of Senmut's tomb, are not Cretans, rather, they 
are probably north Syrians or Cilicians. The vessels are undoubtedly 
Aegean, but may be Mycenaean instead of Minoan. The larger scene 
from tomb 86 includes a mixed group of bearded Asiatics with the 
"Keftiu" (Cilicians?). If Keftiu is indeed Crete, the possible explana- 
tions are: 

1. The figures are wrongly labeled: 

2. The figures are carelessly drawn; 

3. The term Keftiu in this period was vaguely ap- 
plied to a certain class of seafaring foreigners, 
and not used as a specific geographical place 
name. One of these figures is pictured in Fig. 2, 
cf. Fig. 4. 

III. Tomb of Rekhmire (Tomb 100)-- 

These emissaries may be Minoan, but it is difficult to be sure. 
They could quite possibly be Mycenaeans. This is in accord with Ver-- 
coutter's thesis that the term Keftiu was ambiguously used in the XVIII 
dynasty to mean either "Cretan" or "Mycenaean". But the sandals are 
seemingly Minoan, and the curls definitely so, according to Evans. ^" 
Traces of the distinctive sheath envelopes are also to be seen. (Fig. 3) 

IV. Chapel of Huya at Amarna-- 

The foreigners pictured here are possibly Aegeans, but more 

likely are Anatolians or north Syrians to judge by their dress. Tha 

accompanying inscription notes that they come from "the islands in the 
midst of the Great Green. " 


V. Tomb of User-Amon-- 

The tomb of the Vizier User-Amon dates from the reign of Thut- 
mose ni. Pictured in this tomb are figures in coiffeur and kilt -styles 
similar to those in the tomb of Senmut. In addition, they wear the 
Lybian sheath and carry a bull's head rhyton among the offerings . 
(Fig. 5.) 

The objects in the painting from User-Amon's tomb are definitely 
identified as Minoan by Evans. The "bull at full gallop" which is carried 
by one of the tributaries, is a Minoan theme, though not exclusively so, 
being found on the Hagia Triada sarcophagus as well as the Tiryns fresco. 
The sandals and putees are also of the Minoan type. 

"VI. Tomb of Puemra-- 

This chapel from the time of Hatshepsut shows a red-colored 
youth with Minoan wavy hair, but wearing a plain kilt. The fresco is 
imperfectly preserved. '**-' 

VII. The Chapel of Onen-- 

A royal throne base from the chapel of Onen (brother to Queen 
Tiy) at Thebes, dating from the reign of Amenhotep III (ca. 1400 B. C. ) 
yields a painted representation of a man in Anatolian dress. The ac- 
companying inscription labels him as coming from Keftiu. 

If Keftiu is indeed Crete, this can only be explained as a mistake 
in labeling by the scribes, or ignorance of the true character of the Min - 
oans on the part of the artist. It does serve to show, however, the very 
real confusion in the Egyptian sources regarding the term Keftiu. Cretan 
types, Hittite types, and north Syrian types are all alike labeled as from 
Keftiu or as being from the "midst of the Great Green". '^^ Strict in- 
terpretation of Menkheperrasoneb's tomb, for example, would apply the 
epithet Keftiu to a definite Asiatic type;, since the label is evidently 
placed mistakenly over the Asiatic rather than the Aegean figure. (Cf. 
Fig. 4.) 

An interesting comparison is provided by observing the proces- 
sion of tribute bearers from Rekhmire's tomb (Fig. 6) and restored 
fragments of the famous "procession fresco" from the palace of Minos . 
The apparent and striking similarities between the Egyptian paintings 
and Minoan civilization are concentrated in the hair style, kilts, sandals, 
and tribute vessels. But these likenesses may be more superficial than 
real, since the parallels are not exact, and have occasioned much con- 


Fig, U Wall painting from Theban tomb 86 showing foreigners bringing tribute 


Fig. 5 Tributaries from Keftiu: Tomb of User-amon 


It would seem dangerous to press the details in the paintings too 
far, as perhaps Wainright has done. He contends that the pattern of 
double volutes ending in spirals found on the kilt of one of the tribute- 
bearers in Menkheperrasenb's tomb are native to Cilicia Tracheia. This 
proves that the southern coastal region of Asia Minor is the correct 
place to look for the land of Keftiu, according to his view.'*^ 

One cannot fault the methodology here (except, perhaps, for the 
appeal to designs in modern Turkish rugs as evidence) as much as the 
logic. It may be admitted that the figures could be wearing Anatolian 
garb, but the question of what the Egyptian scribes meant by using the 
term Keftiu should also be faced honestly. Wainright implies that the 
Egyptians always stayed strictly and consistently with one precise mean- 
ing for the term over a long period of time. Such an assumption would 
seem to be belied by the facts. It is the very nature of the problem of 
Caphtor that inconsistencies and contradictions abound, and we know that 
political, cultural, and commercial conditions changed greatly over the 
period from the end of the Old Kingdom to the XIX dynasty. Perhaps 
Wainright's analysis has depended too heavily upon the Egyptian evidence 
without proper regard for the Assyrian, Ugaritic, and Hebrew sources, 
and likewise has emphasized the graphic evidence without a corresponding 
balance of the literary. 

An insistence upon slavish literalism in copying objects from life 
on the part of the artists is the chief logical pitfall which Wainright 
fails to avoid. Granted that those used to writing hieroglyphs must be 
exacting in terms of details, it is nevertheless plausible that the artists 
frequently applied familiar "space fillers, " particularly where foreign 
motifs might be involved. 

Disregard of the fundamental character of Egyptian pictures has 
led Wainright to fallacious conclusions in the opinion of Miss Kantor. 
She makes five significant observations in this regard; 

1. Not all the representations are of equal value. 

2. Even the best artists were not anthropologists. 

3. Many sections of their work were filled with stock 
Egyptian motifs. 

4. The degeneration of accuracy in depicting the Ae- 
gean emissaries indicates that successive copying 
of earlier tombs was the practice of the artists . 

5. The kilt patterns are not from the actual garments , 
but from Egyptian representations of these gai^ 

Miss Kantor, as opposed to Wainright, sees primarily Mycenaean 


Fig* 6 Tribute bearers from Keftiut Tomb of Rekhmira 


influence upon Egypt reflected in the tomb paintings. She claims that 
the Minoans had some limited contact with Egypt, but they quickly lost 
their connections to the mainlanders. She points to the fact that pottery 
of the LB period in Egypt shows strong Aegean influence. "It is impos - 
sible to accept (Wainright's) conclusion that the Keftians were an Ana- 
tolian people. On the contrary, their Aegean character cannot be 
doubted. "45 

H. R. Hall, who holds to the traditional identification of Minoan 
Crete with the Egyptian Keftiu, summarized the pictorial evidence by 

If the Keftians appear depicted by the Egyptians in 
costumes departing considerably from the Minoan fash- 
ion, and approaching that of the Syrian, this may be 
due either to the Cilician origin of these particular 
Keftians, or more simply to inaccuracy on the part of 
Egyptian artists. " 

In addition to the literary and pictorial evidence, we may now 
turn to the ceramic artifactual record. 

Archaeological Evidence 

Material from the excavations, particularly pottery, has a limited 
validity, since it can only test theories and affirm or deny the presence 
of certain peoples in a given area. The archaeological evidence pertain- 
ing to the problem of the Caphtorim attests definite interrelations be- 
tween Crete and the eastern Mediterranean, notably from finds at Ugarit 
and Byblos."*^ 

The earliest of these contacts seems to have occurred in Middle 
Minoan I, since pottery characteristic of the Old Palatial period at Knos- 
sos and Phaestos has been found in levels XXl-XXV at Byblos (ca. 2100 
B. C). 

Egypt also yields Minoan and Syrian painted pottery associated 
together from the Xllth dynasty side of Kahun. '*" This would provide 
additional evidence that the Cretans traveled to Eg^'pt via the Syrian 
ports of call as is implied in the mixed cargoes listed in the inscrip- 
tions of Thutmose 111.49 

Evans points out numerous Egyptian finds from Crete^O as does 
Hutchinson.^ The actual connection of the Minoan culture with Egypt 
and Syria may be regarded, upon this evidence, as firmly established. 



The basic and primary orientation of Caphtor is with the Aegean 
area. This is the inescapable conclusion to which the foregoing mate- 
rial evidence points. There are numerous historical facts supporting 
the association of Caphtor with Crete. These may be briefly summa- 
rized as follows: 

1. Ceramic and pictorial evidence established that there 
was definite and direct contact between Minoan Crete 
and Egypt. 

2. Egyptian literary evidence also proves direct con- 
tact between Egypt and Keftiu, wherever it is lo- 

3. Aegean cultural elements are unmistakably asso- 
ciated with the term Keftiu on the Egyptian tomb 

4. The use of the term Keftiu parallels closely the 
expansion and contraction of the Minoan cultural 

5. The northern orientation of Keftiu from the Egyp- 
tian perspective corresponds with the known Mi- 
noan sea route. 

6. The Bible connects Caphtor with the Philistines (who 
certainly came from the Aegean cultural continuum 
if not from Crete itself). 

7. The Canaanite god of craftsmanship, whose throne 
was in Caphtor may correspond with the Cretan 
Zeus Velchanos (Vulcan?). If this is true, it pro- 
vides conclusive proof that Caphtor was Crete. 

A possible synthesis between the opposing views may be attempted. 
Evans admits that in "all cases the evidence associates the Minoans 
with the north Syrian peoples. "^^ He also points out that Mallus on the 
Cilician coast appears in a late inscription as a silver-producing dis- 
trict of the Keftian country. The men of Mallus are depicted with the 
red skin and flowing hair so characteristic of Minoan fashion. The 
name Mallus, moreover, may be connected with Cretan Mallia. 


Evans was aware of Wainright's early criticisms of a Minoan 

It may be a moot point whether or not the Minoans had 
some kind of commercial settlement in the neighborhood 
of Mallos or elsewhere on the Cilician coast, to which 
in a narrower geographical sense the name of Keftiu 
should apply. But the attempt to regard the Kefti peo- 
ple of the Egyptian wallpaintings and records as pri- 
marily of Cilican stock, will hardly now claim adher- 
ents. ^^ 

In the same vein, Wainright conceded that his Cilician "Keftiu" 
possibly had Minoan colonists, but insists that it was not just a Minoan 
trading station. Certainly the admission that Minoan elements existed 

in Cilicia is tantamount to saying that Keftiu and Crete were interrelated 
in the minds of the Egyptians --and in view of the vast cultural influence 
of Crete--it is almost the same as admitting that "Cretan" and "Keftian" 
were interchangable in their vocabulary. 

One generally overlooked piece of evidence may be adduced. The 
prevailing winds in the Eastern Mediterranean come from the north or 
northwest in good sailing weather, and it was likely just as easy, safer 
(because of the proximity to shore), and more profitable to travel east 
via Cilicia, Syria, and Phoenica before journing to Eg\A3t. The Etesian 
winds would make the direct route to Egypt possible,^" and the Cretans 
were not afraid of the voyage, because they apparently traded with such 
distant places as Macedonia, Lybia, Sardinia, Sicily, and possibly Spain , 
but it was not in their best commercial interest to travel directly to 
Egypt. The route generally followed by the Minoan and Mycenaean trad- 
ers is described by Lionel Casson: 

A trail of pottery fragments dug up by archaeologists 
marks the routes these traders followed. Their ships 
worked eastward to the west coast of Asia Minor, or 
southward to Crete from where they cut east by way of 
Rhodes and Cyprus to the cities along the Syrian coast. 
Here most unloaded and, letting the Phoenicians trans- 
ship whatever was consigned to Egypt, picked up re- 
turn cargoes that included whatever the Phoenicians had 
brought back from there. All papyrus, for example, 
was manufactured in Egypt, but so much of it came to 
Greece by way of the Syrian coast that the standard 
Greek word for the product was byblos , reflecting the 
name of the harbor at which most Greek traders must 
have taken on their cargoes of it.^' 


If this were indeed the case, an accord with Wainright's hypothe- 
sis of an Asiatic Keftiu might be sought. For who could blame the 
Egyptians for vaguely locating Keftiu in the region where the goods were 
shipped from, namely the coast of Syria or Cilicia? Wace seems to 
agree when he says, ". . . the appearance of Minoan objects among 
the presents of the princes of the Keftiu and of the islands in the midst 
of the sea would not be surprising, if the Cretans used the longer coast- 
ing route by way of Asia Minor and Cyprus to Egypt besides adventuring 
directly across the Libyan Sea. "58 

I submit that this is precisely what happened. The profitable 
north Syrian trade route and the favorable winds would have attracted 
the export-minded Minoans, and the very fact that Cretan culture was 
quickly adopted by other tribes of the Aegean, Anatolian, and Levan- 
tine areas guaranteed that the Egyptians would soon become confused. 
After all, the Egyptians were accustomed to classifying people not by 
where they hailed from, but primarily by what they looked like. 

TTie geographical area, if it could be comprehended by the Egyp- 
tians, was a secondary consideration, and was often addled in the in- 
scriptions. Despite the confusion, it appears that there is sufficient 
evidence to support the contention that Caphtor was Crete. 


1. H. R. Hall, "The Keftians, Philistines, and other Peoples of the 
Levant" Chapter XII in the Cambridge Ancient History , J. B. 
Bury, et al eds. (Cambridge: The University Press, 1926), II, 

2. Charles Pfeiffer and Howard Vos, Wycliffe H i storical Geography 
(Chicago: Moody Press, 1967), 442. 

3. Hall, loc. cit . 

4. Robert Young, Analytical Concordance to the Bible (New York: 
and Wagnall, n. d. ), 142. 

5. I propose to attempt a solution of this difficulty while still holding 
to the Aegean (or Anatolian) origin of the Philistines as follows: 

A. Both Baumgartel and Evans note strong Lybian and 
Egyptian influences on Crete in the predynastic and pro- 
todynastic periods. A stone vase of protodynastic Egypr 
tian make, among other things, was found on Crete . 
Mrs. Baumgartel conjectures that the trade route to 
Crete in prehistoric times may have gone overland to 
Lybia to the point nearest Crete, and thence by sea„ 
This marked influence is thought by Evans to have oc- 
curred at about the time of Menes' conquest. The 


negroid element can be seen in the Mesara at this time 
Other items include Lybian plumes, side-locks, bow, 
shield, figurines, the penistache, etc. See Sir Arthur 
Evans, The Palace of Minos (Lindon: Macmillan and 
Co., 1921-1935), II, 22-92; and Elise J. Baumgartel , 
The Cultures of Prehistoric Egypt (London: Oxford 
University Press, 1955), I, 44. 

B. Homer's "native Cretans" or Eteo- Cretans (only one 
of the five ethnic strata on the island) may thus have 
been Hamitic in origin. Cf. Odyssey xix, 175 ff. 
Staphylos placed them in the south. See R. W. Hutch- 
inson, ^t;ejjTistoric_Crete_ (Baltimore: Penquin Books, 
1965), 318. If this is true. Linear A may thus have 
primary Egyptian affinities. 

C. A transposition has occurred in Gen. 10. 14 and I 
Chron. 1:12, which represent the Philistines as having 
come forth from the Gasluhim, contrary to what is 
expressly stated elsewhere in all the other Biblical ref- 
erences. The Philistines actually came from Caphtor, 
which has much earlier been colonized by a Hamitic 
race. Cf. Jer. 47:4 and Amos 9:7. 

6. W. Ewing, "Caphtor" in The Internati onal Standard Bible Ency- 
clopedia, ed. James Orr. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing 
Co., 1949), I, 568. 

7. G. A. Wainright, "Asiatic Keftiu" American Journal of Archae - 
ology 56:4 (October, 1952), 196-212. 

8. Hall, loc. cit . 

9. Ewing, loc. cit . 

W. Ewing, "Cherethites" ISBE , I, 603. 

Adolf Erman and Hermann Grapow, Worterbuch Per Aegyptischen 
Sprache (Berlin: Academie-Verlag, 1957), V, 122. 
John A. Wilson, "The Admonitions of Ipu-wer" Ancient Near East - 
ern Texts ed. J. B. Pritchard (Princeton: Princeton University 
Press, 1950), 441. 
Wainright, loc. cit . 

James H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago: The Uni- 
versity of Chicago Press, 1906), II, 264-65. 

Ibid. , n, 206 Sk-tw is an unknown place name; the lacunae re- 
fers to some wood construction. 
Ibid . , II, 217. 
Wainright, loc. cit . 
Breasted, ARE, HI, 162. 

William Stevenson Smith, Interconnections in the Ancient Near 
East (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965), 91. 
Idem . 
H. L. Ginsberg, "Poems about Baal and Anath" ANET, 132-34, 138. 


22. Smith, op. cit . , 46. 

23. R. W. Hutchinson, Prehistoric Crete (Baltimore: Penquin Books , 
1962), 200-203. 

24. John Garstang and O. R. Gumey, The Geography of the Hittite 
Empire (London: The British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara , 
1959). For related material see also: Albrecht Goetze, Kizzu - 
watna and the Problem of Hittite Geography. Yale Oriental Se- 
ries XXII (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1940). Cf. Jo- 
hannes Friedrich, Heithitisches Worterbuch (Heidelberg, C. Win- 
ter, 1952); and Emmanuel Laroche, Dictionnaire de la Langue 
(Paris: Libraire Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1959). 

25. G. A. Wainright, "Keftiu and Karamania (Asia Minor)", Anato - 
lian Studies IV (1954), 33-48. 

26. M. V. Seton- Williams, "Cilician Survey", Anatolian Studies IV 
(1954), 134, Fig. 4. 

27. O. R. Gurney, The Hittites (Baltimore: Penguin Books,1954), 

28. Smith, op. c it. , 95. The spell contains cartouches of Amenhotep 

29. Wainright, op. cit. , 200. 

30. Smith, op. cit., 91. 

31. Idem. 

32. Ibid,, 91-92. 

33. Idem . 

34. Helene J. Kantor, " The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Mil - 
lenium B. C. " American Journal of Archaeology LI (1947), 44. 

35. Hall, op. cit. , 279 

36. Wainright, AJA 56:4, p. 200. 

37. Breasted, ARE II, 761. 

38. Hall, loc. cit . 

39. Sir Arthur Evans, The Palace of Minos (New York: Biblio and 
Tannen, 1964), Vol. II, Part 2, 727,740. 

40. Ibid., II, 2, 739. 

41. Smith, op. cit ., 33. 

42. The perverse ambiguity of the Egyptian and Semitic £]__ "coast- 
land, island" has often been noted. The term "in the midst of 
the Great Green", however, most naturally applies to islands 
rather than coastlands. 

43. Wainright, Anatolian Studies IV (1954), 33-48. 

44. Kantor, AJA LI (1947), 44. 

45. Idem. 

46. Half, op. cit ., 278. 

47. Claude F. A. Schaeffer, Stratigraphie Comparee et Chronologi e 
de I'Asie Occ identale (London: Oxford University Press, 1948), 
65-67. Cf. Fi^T~63, 72-74. 

48. Idem. Cf. Fig. 53. 


49. Breasted, ARE , II, 206. 

50. Evans, op. cit . , II, 22-92. 

51. Hutchinson, op. cit. , 103. 

52. Evans, op. cit . , II, 2, 655. 

53. Ibid. , II, 2, 656. 

54. Ibid. , II, 2, 657-658. 

55. Wainright, AJA 56:4, 200. 

56. Hutchinson, op. cit . , 95. 

57. Lionel Casson The Ancient Mariners (New York: The Macmillan 
Co.. 1959), 24. 

58. A. J. B. Wace, "Crete and Mycenae", Chapter XVI in the Cam - 
bridge Ancient History , II, 438. 



By John M'Clintock and James Strong. Baker Book House, Grand 

Rapids, 1968 (reprint). 904 pp. (Vol. 1). Subscription price, $12.95 
per volume. 

With so many new dictionaries and reference works coming off 
the press, it is encouraging to see an old giant reprinted. M'Clintock 
and Strong was one of this reviewer's first sources in the study of church 
history. Biblical scholars who are engaged in thorough research often 
must consider something of the history of their subject. This encyclo- 
pedia serves that type of need admirably. The biographical material 
given on the heroes of the faith, particularly on nineteenth century schol- 
ars, is alone worth the obtaining of these volumes. Beyond this, the 
sheer immensity of material- -more than 31,000 articles covering 12,400 
double column pages --is invaluable. Certainly the seminary professor or 
student, as well as the pastor with a passion for depth in his preaching, 
should find these volumes an indispensable legacy from the past. 

Grace Theological Seminary James R. Battenfield 

WITH BANVS or LOVE By David Allan Hubbard. William B. Eerdmans 
Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, 1968. $1.95. 114 pp. (paperback). 

The goal of Dr. Hubbard is to show how Hosea spoke to his own 
people, anticipated a fuller revelation of God in the New Testament and 
gave a message for contemporary life and thought. This is not a com- 
mentary on the book of Hosea, but theological observations prompted by 
the prophet's preaching. The author sees Hosea 's marriage and message 
as the two main themes interwoven with God's judgment and grace. 

Hosea spoke within the cultural, political, social and religious con- 
text of his time. It was the twilight of Israel's finest day. The prophet 
interpreted the meaning of the covenant for his own time (750-725 B.C.). 
Hubbard suggests four possible occupations for Hosea and cautiously 



accepts the fourth: priest, professional prophet, baker or farmer. God 
chose this uncommon person to have an uncommon experience paralleled 
only in Jeremiah. The marriage of Hosea did not constitute the prophetic 
call, but certainly enhanced this call. Hosea 's suffering marriage was a 
personal cross and became a help in understanding the cross of Christ. 
According to Dr. Hubbard, Hosea 's cross in marriage pictured God's re- 
demptive work through innocent suffering. The most righteous Man in 
history became history's greatest sufferer. 

Dr. Hubbard brings out interesting facts on the names of Hosea 's 
children, the Assyrian policy of homogenizing peoples and Masochism 
(weeping ceremonies to bring God's favor). He deals with the moral pro- 
blem of Hosea's marriage and the reasons for Israel's collapse. He notes 
the fulfillment of Hosea 3:4,5 as the Exilic Restoration. While the author 
mentions the future kingdom of Christ and a fulfilled covenant to Israel 
(p. 108), he doesn't attempt to deal with the eschatological problems. His 
book is free of footnotes, Hebrew words and bibliographic maps of Hosea's 

The author is the President of Fuller Theological Seminary. He 
originally gave the contents of this book as Sunday School lessons in a 
California church and as lectures at the Conservative Baptist Seminary 
in Denver, Colorado. This book will be helpful to pastors, teachers and 
laymen. The reviewer's copy has ten crooked pages. 

James H. Gabhart 

Community Church 
Tippecanoe, Indiana 

THE WILL TO WIM. By James C. Hefley. Zondervan Publishing House, 
Grand Rapids, 1968. $2.95. 106 pp. 

There may be more sports fans on earth today than craters on the 
moon. In this day of sports "worship, " a new hero is developing, the 
Christian athlete. Even the unsaved person will listen to the conversion 
story and personality sketch of such men as Jim Ryun, track star of 
University of Kansas; Clyde Lee, basketball forward of San Francisco 
Warriors and Pat Hodgson, football end of Washington Redskins. Freelance 
writer James C. Hefley skillfully makes Christian athletes seem real, 
understandable and human. 

In The Will To Win, Hefley interviews fifteen athletes and a football 
coach as to the purpose and relevance of their Christianity in the sports 
world. Preparing the work in similar style to companion books Play Ball 


and Sports Alive, he has a picture, title and record of each star. The 
testimonies of the men require space of about five pages apiece. He 
limits details and includes pertinent quotations of the athletes. In the 
Conclusion, the author invites the unsaved reader to "sign in and suit 
up" with Christ. 

James H. Gabhart 
Community Church 
Tippecanoe, Indiana 

THE GOSPEL ACCORVWG TO MARK. By Joseph Addison Alexander, 

London: Banner of Truth Trust, (1960 reprint), 444 pp. 13/6. (Ameri- 
can representative: Puritan Publications, Box 652, Carlisle, Pa. , 17013 

This is an attractive reprint by offset lithography of the original 
1858 edition of this well-known conservative commentary on Mark. The 
page size is somewhat larger than the original edition, making for easier 
reading. The interpretation is printed after the quotation of each verse 
in the KJV. The entire interpretation of each verse is printed as a 
single paragraph; while conserving space, this does not make for an 
attractive format to the modern reader. 

This is a thorough, conservative commentary by a scholarly 
Princeton professor of the past century. The exposition is based on a 
close study of the original language. The author is careful to bring out 
the true force of the portion under consideration. Obviously Alexander 
did not have the advantage of the more recent developments concerning 
the understanding of the Greek language; yet this interpretation is re- 
markably fresh and up-to-date. Nor will the reader find here any ref- 
erences to such recent Synoptic developments as Form Criticism or Red- 
action Criticism. Rather the reader is given a straight forward inter- 
pretation by a convinced conservative scholar who accepted the trust- 
worthiness of the Gospel of Mark as it stands. 

The modest price for this large volume makes it a good buy and 
a worthy addition to the library of any Bible student and Christian 

D. Edmond Hiebert 
Mennonite Brethren Biblical Seminary 
Fresno, California 




Winona Lake, Indiana 

FALL 1971 

Vol. 12 

No. 3 


A publication of Grace Theological Seminary 





John C. Whitcomb, Jr. 3 



Luther L. Grubb 13 


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One of Satan's most insidious purposes, through the ages, has 
been to enter a wedge between God's people and God's infallible, iner- 
rant Word. It all began in the Garden of Eden when "the father of lies" 
asked Eve, "Yea, hath God said . . . ?" and it continues today with- 
out abatement. Two distinct but related levels of this Satanic strategy 
can be detected in our day: 

(1) Rationalistic doubts and denials of the supernatural acts of 
God as recorded in Scripture. This is being most keenly felt in evangeli- 
cal circles today through various compromises with the theory of organic 
evolution, which attempt to reduce the great creative miracles of God to 
mere providential processes. 

(2) The other strategy of the enemy is to encourage Christians 
to imagine present-day miracles where there are none, through the claims 
of self-appointed miracle workers. 

The goal of the first strategy is to take away the Bible from us 
piece by piece, until we wonder what pieces of infallible Scripture are 
still left to us. 

The goal of the second strategy is to take us away from the Bible 
by centering our attention on new claims of divine revelation by modern 
prophets, or on new and supernatural experiences and powers so that we 
have little time or interest in searching the Scriptures for God's truth 
and for God's revealed ways of perpetuating and promoting it. 



In every generation men have gravitated to religions that offer 
signs and wonders as their basic appeal. This has been a principal 
source of power for Roman Catholicism , which claims a continuing reve- 
lation accompanied by continuing signs. And what modern, fast-growing 
cult is devoid of prophets and miracle-workers? Old-line Pentecostalism , 
and now the "Neo -Pentecostal" movement, offer the miracle cf tongues , 
the interpretation of tongues, and even faith-healers that attract mallions. 
In tune with the times, Protestant liberalism has abandoned its old ra- 
tionalistic formulas in favor of a more vibrant existentialism called Neo- 
Orthodoxy , which offers a direct "word" from God to sincere individual 
seekers the world over, whether they have actually heard of the historical 
Christ or not. 

What may be considered a natural desire by men to see some 
token of God has surely been accelerated by the suffocating atmosphere 
of twentieth-century uniform itarian scientism. If Satan cannot take away 
the true God by the pressure of theoretical or practical atheism in the 
academic world, he will attempt to do so by pushing men to the invention 
of false gods that cannot really save or satisfy. That is surely the crisis 
of the present hour. 

The prophet Isaiah felt such pressures in Judah 700 years before 
Christ. On the one hand, the deep skepticism of that age was represented 
by King Ahaz himself, who completely rejected God's offer of a great 
supernatural sign (Isa. 7:12). On the other hand, superstitious men 
(possibly including King Ahaz) were encouraging one another: "Consult 
the mediums and the wizards who whisper and mutter" (Isa. 8:19). The 
true answer to such pressures was not that God never performs miracles, 
but that He does so on His terms only, and in accordance with His re- 
vealed program of history and redemption. "To the law and to the test- 
imony! If they do not speak according to this word, it is because they 
have no dawn" (Isa. 8:20). Thus, Isaiah himself cried out to God for 
global and spectacular signs of His power as in the days of Moses at 
Mount Sinai (Isa. 64:1-3). And an even greater prophet, John the Baptist, 
sent two of his friends to Jesus to ask why the full glory of the Kingdom 
Age was not yet being manifested (Matt. 11:2-6). Our Lxjrd was continu- 
ally teaching His disciples to pray for stupendous miracles when he taught 
them to pray: "Thy kingdom come, thy will be done, in earth as it is 
in heaven. " Their minds fascinated by this prospect, the disciples came 
to Jesus and pointedly asked Him, after His resurrection, "Lord, dost 
thou at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?" His answer was not 
that there would never be such a literal kingdom and that God would never 
reveal His great power and glory to men. His answer to them was, in 
effect, "Not yet" (Acts 1:7). 



People often ask why it is, if God is still alive and powerful, He 
does not perform through men of faith today the same kinds of signs and 
wonders He performed when Christ and the apostles were here. The 
answer is that God has a plan in His dealings with men, and that plan 
does not happen to include a constant repetition of the same kinds of 
miracles in every time and place. If this were His plan, then miracles 
would lose their unique sign value because they would be taken for granted. 
God has wisely protected the significance of miracles in history by the 
rarity of their occurrence, even in Bible times. Enoch's translation was 
the only miracle in over 1,700 years between Adam and the Floods 
For centuries Israel suffered in Egypt with no special voice from heaven. 
Only rarely did a miracle occur during the centuries from Joshua to David. 
And God protected the absolute uniqueness of His Son's miraculous min- 
istry by withholding all miracles for centuries beforehand --even from 
John the Baptist, the forerunner himself (John 11:41). 

Why did Christ perform miracles during His public ministry? Was 
it to prove that God existed? Was it primarily to help people who were 
sick, crippled, or in special physical need? No, the purpose was to 
identify Himself as Israel's true Messiah and to confirm the new revela- 
tion He was bringing to the nation (John 20:30-31; Acts 2:22). Thus, the 
healing of the paralytic man was not for the primary purpose of helping 
him, or to prove that God exists, but "that ye may know that the Son 
of Man hath authority on earth to forgive sins" (Matt. 9:6; cf. Deut . 
18:22). When John the Baptist momentarily questioned His Messianic 
identity, Jesus pointed to the people He had just healed as a fulfillment 
of the Messianic promise of Isaiah 35:5-6 (cf. Matt. 11:4). Israel was 
thus historically conditioned to expect signs as the proper credentials 
of their Messiah and His apostles (John 4:48, I Cor. 1:22, II Cor. 12:12, 
Rom. 15:19, Heb. 2:3,4). The great tragedy, of course, was that Israel 
willfully rejected the signs God did give to them (Matt. 12:38,1 Cor.l4 

If supernatural signs were thus intended to serve as confirmations 
of God's special messengers and their message, it seems obvious that 
such signs would no longer be needed after these messengers had brought 
their message. Ln fact, a sign without a message is worse than useless, 
as Paul and Barnabas discovered to their horror at Lystra (Acts 14:8-18). 
Thus, the superstructure of the true Church is built upon a foundation 
which consists exclusively of Christ and His apostles (Eph. 2:20, I Cor. 
3:10-11, Rev. 21:14). Since the foundation of a building only needs to 
be laid once, we may be sure that God has not given any new revelation 
to His people since the apostles died. The fact that only His apostles 
belonged in the foundation is seen clearly in our Lord's high priestly 


prayer, when He prayed for those who would believe on Him "through 
their word," namely, the word of the apostles to whom "all the truth" 
would be given by the Holy Spirit (John 17:20; 16:13). To invent a 
message as from God when God has not spoken is dangerous indeed, for 
God is infinitely jealous of the boundary lines of His revelation to men 
(cf. Deut. 4:2, 12:32, 18:20; Prov. 30:5-6; Jer. 23:30-32; Gal. 1:8; Rev. 
21:18-19). New Testament history suggests that the various s ign -gifts , 
including the gift of tongues, were no longer in use after the destruction 
of Jerusalem in A. D. 70, and that the gifts of knowledge and prophecy 
were set aside after the Book of Revelation was completed about A.D. 90. 
Thus, only the Apostle John lived to see the coming of "that which is 
perfect" (1 Cor. 13:10), namely, the completed Bible. The Bible is per - 
feet , because no one before John wrote the final chapter had anything 
more than a "part" of the truth (I Cor. 13:9; Heb. 1:1). For someone 
now, in this superstructure phase of church history, to claim a new 
revelation from God would be a colossal step backward and downward to 
the "pre-perfect" foundation phase. Instantly, all of our Bibles would be 
incomplete ! None of us could teach or preach authoritatively and effec- 
tively again, until, like Apollos, we could find someone to expound to us 
"the way of God more accurately" (Acts 18:26). 


If God is indeed giving to certain men the power to perform heal- 
ing miracles today, why are there so few of them, and why are their 
powers so limited , and why are the results so doubtful? By contrast , 
the miracles of Christ and His apostles were fantastically abundant, ut- 
terly spectacular, and totally undeniable. Let us consider each of these 
in more detail. First, our Lord's miracles were abundant . The Gospel 
narratives make it quite clear that Christ healed vast numbers of people 
in many parts of Palestine and over a period of several years (cf. Matt. 
14:14, Luke 6:19, etc.). With regard to the apostles, see Acts 5:12-16, 
19:11-12, But Church history since the days of the apostles, even in 
times of great revival and reformation, has not been characterized by 
physical miracles including healings (see Appendix). Second, our Lord's 
healing works were spectacular in nature. Consider the healing of the 
man born blind (John 9:32); the replacement and healing of a man's ampu- 
tated ear (Luke 22:50); and the immediate and complete resuscitation to 
mortal life of a man who was not only dead but who had been decom- 
posing in a tomb for more than half a week (John 11). By contrast, 
modern so-called faith-healers concentrate on those types of physical 
ailments that are functional rather than organic, and which can more 
easily be explained as psychotherapeutic rather than genuinely supernatural 
(for an excellent analysis of this entire problem, see Edmunds and Scorer, 
Some Thoughts on Faith Healing , The Tyndale Press, 39 Bedford Square, 
London W. C. 1, 1956). 


In the third place, our Lord's miracles were u ndeniable . Note, 
for example, the testimonies of such unregenerate men as Nicodemus 
(John 3:2) and the chief priest (John 11:47, Acts 4:16). In stark contrast 
to the present situation, no one who saw the Lord Jesus Christ at work 
ever questioned the completely supernatural character of His healing mir^ 
acles. The debate was centered entirely on the issue of whether God or 
Satan was the source of His power (Matt. 12:24). The question we must 
ask, in the light of this fact, is not whether God still has the power to 
perform those kinds of miracles today, but whether it is His plan . For 
we may be perfectly sure that if it were His plan to do now exactly what 
He did through certain men nineteen centuries ago, there would be no 
modern day deniers of the reality of miracles, even as there were none 
in Jesus' day! 


It is my firm conviction that God i£ healing some sick Christians 
today (and I have seen this happen twice in my own family), but in a 
very different way than He did when Christ was here, and for a very 
different purpose. It is true that God occasionally raises up some des- 
perately sick Christians to a continued life of worship and service; but 
He never does so through a faith-healer, and He never does so in such 
a spectacular way that godless men are absolutely forced to admit that 
a genuine miracle occurred. 

God's basic provision and pattern for the healing of Christians is 
outlined in James 5:13-16. Note carefully, in the first place, that the 
sick Christian asks for "the elders of the church" to come to him. He 
does not request to be carried to a miracle -healer! Secondly, God does 
not promise immediate and spectacular healing, nor does He exclude re- 
cuperation processes or the help of doctors and medicines. It is a 
"family affair, " and is not for "show. " In other words, it is not in- 
tended to serve as a sign to Israel or the unbelieving Gentile world that 
God is real. Its purpose is to encourage Christians to keep on trusting 
and serving the gracious Lord who renews their strength according to 
His will and purpose. In the third place, the healing is not automatic- 
ally guaranteed each time! Otherwise, no Christians of the early Church 
would ever have died! We must therefore assume that "the prayer of 
faith" which was essential to the healing of sick Christians (James 5: 15) 
was not always granted by the sovereign Lord, even as other gifts were 
provided only according to the will of the Holy Spirit (I Cor. 12:11). 


If faith-healers are a vital part of God's program for the Church 
today, why did the Apostle Paul experience the end of such powers during 


his own lifetime? While at Ephesus, he healed many people by miracu- 
lous means (Acts 19:11-12); but God chose not to ansv/er his prayers 
for his own bodily healing (II Cor. 12:7-10). The reason for this is 
exceedingly important: "My grace is sufficient for thee; for my power 
is made perfect in weakness. " What, then, shall we think of a moder.n 
faith-healer who states or implies that certain saints of God must con- 
tinue to be cripples because they have insufficient faith or because they 
have not come to the right man ? Is this the reason why great Christians 
such as John Calvin, David Brainerd, Frances Havergal, Robert Murray 
McCheyne, Charles Haddon Spurgeon, and Fanny Crosby, among others , 
suffered many years of ill health or died young? If God's power is made 
perfect in v/eakness, is robust physical health necessarily a measure of 
one's spiritual well-being? 

Paul's last recorded miracles were performed on the island of 
Malta, one of which was a remarkable fulfillment of our Lord's promise 
to the apostles that they would not be hurt by deadly serpents (Acts 28: 
1-10; Mark 16:18). But after Paul arrived in Rome, his miracle-working 
powers were apparently withdrav/n by the Lord. In a letter to the Philip- 
pian church, he explained how Epaphroditus, their messenger to him, 
had almost died from a sickness, and the clear implication is that Paul 
was unable to help him (Phil. 2:25-30). After a time, Paul was released 
from prison, visited the Aegean area again, and was brought back to 
Rome for execution. In his final letters to Timothy he explained that 
he had left Trophimus at Miletus sick (II Tim. 4:20). In fact, he knew 
of no faith-healer who could help Timothy either, so he recommended to 
him: "Be no longer a drinker of water [which was often dangerously 
polluted], but use a little wine for thy stomach's sake and thine often 
infirmities" (I Tim. 5:23). 

Thus, step by step, God was removing the scaffolding of miracles 
from the early church as the New Testament Scriptures were being com - 
pleted and the apostles and prophets were dying off. The Holy Spirit was 
now focusing the eyes of Christians exclusively upon the written Word, 
apart from which there is no salvation or spiritual maturity (II Tim . 
3:15-17). God's plan for this age, said Paul, is for men to walk by 
faith rather than by sight (II Cor. 5:7), just as our Lord reminded 
Thomas, the sign-seeker, "blessed are they that have not seen, and yet 
have believed" (John 20:29). 


The very night of His betrayal, the Lord Jesus told His disciples: 
"He that believeth on me, the works that I do shall he do also; and 
greater works than these shall he do because 1 go unto the Father" 


(John 14:12). What did He mean by these words? The works that Jesus 
performed during His public ministry were fantastically great. Diseases 
were banished, demons were cast out, dead men arose, wine, bread, 
and fishes were created, and mighty storms were instantly calmed. But 
it must be recognized that each of these miracles was intentionally super - 
ficial and temporary in quality ! In other words, no one was permanently 
helped by any of them, nor were men's deepest needs met by such works 
of power! Creating food for one occasion did not automatically supply 
the need for later occasions. And with regard to bodily ailments, every 
diseased, crippled, leprous person Jesus ever healed finally died anyway- - 
every one of them ! And poor Lazarus! It is true that Jesus raised him 
from the dead, instantly and completely, with no convalescence needed. 
But later on he died again! Would you like to die twice? When Christ 
raises your dead body some day, would you want it to be raised to mortal 
life again? This was certainly no favor to Lazarus, nor was it intended 
to be! It was rather a mere temporary and limited sign of Christ's 
power to do the greater work of resurrection to glory in the Day of the 
Lord (John 5:28-29). 

In this light, our Lord's words take on new meaning: "greater 
works than these shall ye do because I go unto the Father. " Can there 
be any greater works than the miracles of Jesus? Yes, there can be and 
there are^ When our Lord returned to heaven, the Spirit of God came 
ten days later and baptized the disciples into the Body of Christ. Peter 
then arose, preached a sermon to a vast multitude of Jews, and three 
thousand men experienced the spiritual miracle of regeneration in one 
dayl This was the "greater work" because it met man's basic need, 
and met it permanently „ Let it be remembered that our Lord's purpose 
in coming to earth was not to preach the Christian Gospel but to make such 
preaching possible (I Cor. 15:1-4). If He had not died as our substitute 
for sin, there could be no Gospel (John 12:20-24). But since His death, 
resurrection, and ascension, many pastors, evangelists, and missionaries 
have won more men to saving faith than the Son of God did , and physical 
miracles have not been the cause of their success. 

For a few years, the apostles and prophets did both the lesser 
works (sign-miracles) and the "greater works" (winning men to saving 
faith); but as the apostolic age reached its close the sign-miracles phased 
out and the " greater works" continue as God's basic program for the 
Church age, until Jesus comes again. Then, at last, our need for com- 
plete and permanent physical transormation will be met, for "the Lord 
Jesus Christ shall change our body of humiliation, that it may be fashioned 
like unto his glorious body, according to the working whereby he is able 
even to subdue all things unto himself" (Phil. 3:21), And there will be 
no debate about the genuineness of that miracle, "for the earnest ex- 
pectation of the creation waiteth for the revealing of the sons of God" 


(Rom. 8:19). God does care about our physical needs and sufferings; 
but He has a special plan and program for dealing with these needs; and 
continual, guaranteed healings through special men and gifts does not 
happen to be in that program for the Church in its superstructure stage 
of maturity. 

No, the Church doesn't need new revelation from heaven today! We 
already have a completed Bible and the Holy Spirit of God to interpret 
and apply it! The Church doesn't need more apostles to guide her through 
the troubled waters of this Satan -dominated world. An apostle might 
fail us, as Peter did at Antioch. That is why the Holy Spirit wrote, 
through Peter himself, that "we have the prophetic word made more sure, 
to which you do well to pay attention as to a lamp shining in a dark 
place" (II Pet. 1:19). The Church doesn't need special powers , like 
those which Christ promised to the apostles in Mark 16:17-18, namely, 
(1) to cast out demons, (2) to speak with new tongues, (3) to pick up 
serpents, (4) to drink deadly poisons, and (5) to heal the sick. The 
Church doesn't need any holy places, healing centers, faith-healers, or 
signs and wonders to appeal to the five senses. WHAT THE CHURCH 
OR HIS ONLY WRITTEN REVELATION. Then, and then only, may we 
expect our deepest needs to be supplied, and God's purpose for His 
Church to be accomplished in our day. 




(Quoting B. B. Warfield, MIRACLES: 


Eerdmans, reprinted, 1965) 

With regard to Justin Martyr and Irenaeus of the second century 
A. D. , Dr. Warfield states: "The writings of the so-called Apostolic 
Fathers contain no clear and certain allusions to miracle-working or to 
the exercise of the charismatic gifts, contemporaneous with themselves" 
(1, 10). And after discussing the writings of third century A. D. writers 
such as Tertullian, Minucius Felix, Origen, and Cyprian, he concludes: 


"And so we pass on to the fourth century in an ever-increasing stream, 
but without a single writer having claimed himself to have wrought a 
miracle of any kind or having ascribed miracle-working to any known 
name in the church, and without a single instance having been recorded 
in detail" (p. 12). 

Beginning in the fourth century, however. Christian leaders appar- 
ently became so desperate for miracles to match the "miracles" they 
heard about from heretical and heathen sources, that they began to see 
"ecclesiastical miracles" everywhere. This trend increased into the 
Middle Ages, when nearly every "saint" in the Roman Catholic Church 
had to be supplied with a full display of miraculous powers! At the 
same time (and this point is exceedingly important for our discussion), 
they as much as admitted that these miracles were on a much lower level 
than the great miracles of Christ and the apostles! 

For example, Augustine (died 430 A. Do ), who in later life felt 
obliged to testify of many miraculous works going on in his day (though 
perplexed that no one was taking notice of them! --p. 45), stated in ear- 
lier days that none were occurring! "Why do not these things take place 
now?, " he asked about 392 A. D. His answer: "Because they would not 
move unless they were wonderful, and if they were customary they would 
not be wonderful . . . God has dealt wisely with us, therefore, in send- 
ing his miracles once for all to convince the world, depending afterward 
on the authority of the multitudes thus convinced" (p, 41). 

Chrysostom (4th cent. ), the most eloquent preacher of his day, 
stated: "Argue not because miracles do not happen now, that they did 
not happen then ... In those times they were profitable, and now they 
are not. . . Of miraculous powers, not even a vestige is left" (pp. 46-47). 

Isodore of Pelusium (4th cent.) speculated: "Perhaps miracles 
would take place now, too, if the lives of the teachers rivalled the bear- 
ing of the Apostles" (p. 47). 

Gregory the Great (6th cent.), commenting on Mark 16:17, asked: 
"Is it so, my brethren, that because ye do not these signs, ye do not 
believe? On the contrary, they were necessary in the beginning of the 
church; for, that faith might grow, it required miracles to cherish it; 
just as when we plant shrubs, we water them until we see them to thrive 
in the ground, and as soon as they are well rooted we cease our irri- 
gation" (p. 47). 

Isodore of Seville (7th Cent. ), in similar vein: The reason why 
the church does not now do the miracles it did under the Apostles is, 
because miracles were necessary then to convince the world of the truth 


of Christianity; but now it becomes it, being so convinced, to shine forth 
in good works .... Whoever seeks to perform miracles now as a be- 
liever, seeks after vainglory and human applause" (p 47). 

Bernard of Clairvaux (13th cent.) asks concerning Mark 16: 17, 
"For who is there that seems to have these signs of the faith, without 
which no one, according to this Scripture, shall be saved?" and answers 
by saying that the greatest miracles are those of the regenerated life 
(p. 48). 

In struggling to explain this strange paradox in the thinking of 
early Christian theologians, namely, the absence and at the same time 
the presence of miracles. Dr. Warfield concludes: "The miracles of 
the first three centuries, if accepted at all, must be accepted on the 
general assertion that such things occurred- -a general assertion which 
itself is wholly lacking until the middle of the second century and which, 
when it does appear, concerns chiefly prophecy and healings, including 
especially exorcisms, which we can scarcely be wrong in supposing are 
precisely the classes of marvels with respect to which excitement most 
easily blinds the judgment and insufficiently grounded rumors most readily 
grow up" (p. 12 )o And speaking of theologians of later centuries, he 
concludes: "No doubt we must recognize that these Fathers realized 
that the ecclesiastical miracles were of a lower order than those of 
Scripture. It looks very much as if, when they were not inflamed by 
enthusiasm, they did not really think them to be miracles at all" (p. 48). 

Thus, church history confirms the clear inferences of Scripture 
that sign-miracles of all types ceased with the death of the apostles. 



Pastor, Grace Brethren Church 

Orange, California 

A father was listening to the late news as the commentator re- 
ferred to different sections of the world. Desiring a clearer under- 
standing of what the commentator was saying, he slipped quietly into his 
son's room where he knew there was a world globe on the desk. Pick- 
ing up the globe, he started for the door. His son roused and looking 
at his father, asked, "Dad, what are you doing with my world?" God 
is asking the church this same question about His world. Indeed, what 
is the church doing with God's world? This is a deeply probing ques- 
tion which the church should face realistically. The church must do 
this in order to evaluate properly the effectiveness of its ministry. The 
church must analyze and take a careful inventory of its procedures and 
programs in this day and also of its Bible orientation while relating 
these considerations to the future. 


What are we talking about when we speak of the church reaching 
tomorrow's world? We must define terms or risk being misunderstood 
and worse, failing in communication. Semantics seem to change at a 
dizzy pace. Today, "soul" means a certain type of modern music. Now 
people smoke "pot. " A "trip" is taken by grabbing a bedpost while 
sniffing glue. "Grass" is really marijuana. A "cool cat" does not 
always purr but could bash your head in for a few dollars. "Split" 
now means to take off for somewhere. Just wait for a while and the 
meanings will change again. Values also change^ For instance, a 
little boy was looking at a Western on TV. As a gunman moved into a 

This series of four articles was given at Grace Theological Seminary 
as part of the Louis S. Bauman Memorial Lectures on January 26-29, 1971, 



saloon with his gun drawn, said the little fellow to those seated around 
the TV, "Don't worry. He's not going to drink; he's just going to kill 
a man. " 

What terms are more misunderstood than Bible terms? For in- 
stance, take the term "Christian. " Ask almost anyone, "Are you a 
Christian?" Inevitably the answer will be, "Of course 1 am a Christian; 
do you think I'm a heathen?" All the while there is not the slightest 
idea where the term originated, how it should be used, or what it means. 


The word "church" must be defined. Jesus declared in Matthew 
16:18, "And I say unto thee, that thou art Peter, and upon this rock I 
will build my church, and the gates of Hades shall not prevail against 
it. " The English word "church" comes from the Greek kuriakos which 
infers possession by the Lord. The other Greek word translated "church" 
is a compound of ek and kale(7 meaning "to call out. " It principally 
means a gathering of people;, and assembly or a congregation. The word 
is used in several different ways which may confuse those with whom 
we are trying to communicate. It is used to designate the invisible, 
universal church involving all true believers in the Age of Grace. This 
is usually the meaning of the word in the Ephesian and Colossian epistles. 
Literally, this is what Jesus meant in Matthew 16:18. It is also used 
to designate various local churches no matter where they may be. In 
the Book of Acts we find the word used in this sense. It is also used 
to designate the visible church comprising a large body of believers who 
may be scattered all over the world. Since it is the invisible church 
with which men deal in this world, and it is the visible church which is 
under criticism and direct fire from many quarters today, and it is the 
visible church which actually represents God in the eyes of men and na- 
tions, and it is from the visible church the gospel will come, we shall 
use the word in this sense. This would include all who are associated 
with a visible assembly of professed Christians. 

May I suggest that each pastor should periodically teach the doc- 
trine of the church so that people understand the New Testament reve- 
lation. Many church members have not the faintest idea of the true 
Biblical nature of the church. They should be informed. 

The church, which represents God on earth today. His name, 
the name of Jesus Christ and the Bible, is a continuation of the body 
which began at Pentecost. Even though man has changed, modified and 
in many senses damaged what God started at Pentecost when He mirac- 
ulously manifested the Holy Spirit, the fact remains that the image the 
church presents is usually the image of God and of Christ held by men. 


A review of the Biblical nature of the church is always in order: 
For the church, this means taking an inventory. The Bible is the church's 
only handbook. Other books deal mostly with techniques. The church 
must see itself in this mirror of God constantly. Does the church meas- 
ure up to Bible standards? 

Too often the church has forgotten or ignored the fact that it is 
an organism, not an organization. It is a living instrument of God ac- 
cording to I Corinthians 12:12-23. A microscope is an organization in 
which mechanical parts are joined. The human eye is an organism, a 
complex of all essential parts mutually dependent on one another and 
partaking of the same life. This is the church, a complex of many 
members mutually dependent on each other and all dependent on the 
Lord while being equally possessors of eternal life. 

Ecclesiastical organizations encircle the world like a giant spider 
web today. The church has frequently become trapped in the meshes of 
its own organization. The organism within the organization is stifled „ 

The New Testament teaches that the church is to be a testimony. 
This involves a process. For this process God has given the church 
spiritual gifts. Ephesians 4:11-13 explains thiSo It is a stimulating 
thing for the church to reflect on what God has done to implement its 
mandate. He has placed specifications in His Word for the ideal church. 
In Ephesians 4 the church is seen as a Christian community with gifts 
of grace for service. 

In chapter 4, verse 11, Jesus Himself gave the apostles, speci- 
fically the twelve, to the church. These men were fully empowered and 
authorized to represent Christ in the church. They were a select group 
for that particular time. When they died the apostleship ceased. 

The prophets were a specific group who expounded the revelation 
of God until the Scripture was complete. They spoke under the direct 
prompting of the Holy Spirit. These also ceased. Both apostles and 
prophets kept the early church moving in the right direction as the direct 
emissaries of God. 

Evangelists were the bearers of good news as the word indicates. 
They were church starters, traveling from place to place as Philip in 
Acts 21. Theirs was a special, stimulating and warm ministry as they 
faithfully preached the truth. Certainly today there are those who have 
the gift of evangelism as did Knox, Wesley, Moody, etc. 

Pastor-teachers are God's key men for the church on earth. Pas- 
tor is poimen, from a root meaning "to protect", while the verb poimaino 


is to "shepherd. " The pastor protects and shepherds but he also teaches. 
Feeding the flock is an important function of any shepherd. He either 
brings the food to the sheep or shows them where it is. The pastor is 
not a true shepherd today unless he feeds the Word of God to his sheep. 
He has the authority of God to do this. 

Verse 12 shows that the clear purpose for all of this is for the 
"perfecting" katartizo or "fitting together" of the saints. Just as a 
broken bone may be set, the saints are brought into their proper spir- 
itual condition and made fit for service. To some extent all of the 
saints are to be involved in this edifying process. This is "for the 
work of the ministry. " God-directed service is the goal. This pro- 
ductive energy glorifies God. The basic task of any pastor is to edify 
or build up the Body of Christ in the faith. This brings greater ex- 
pression for God through the whole community of the saints. 

Verse 13 distinctly shows the church that it is God's desire for 
each member to grow to maturity, "till we all come in the unity of the 
faith." This is one faith in Christ and produces unanimity in the Body. 
"And of the knowledge of the Son of God. " This supreme knowledge is 
about Jesus Christ. Only when believers have a unity of knowledge about 
Christ do they achieve spiritual maturity and unity in the church. What 
the church knows about Christ will determine the extent of its faith . 
"Unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature of the fullness of 
Christ. " The believer is a full-grown, mature, spiritual man. He is 
not a child in any sense. He constantly moves ahead spiritually and in 
knowledge toward what Christ is. 

So, God has made adequate provision for His church. The gifts 
make steady, maturing growth possible through the processes prescribed 
by Paul. On this basis the church is equipped with everything necessary 
to please God. 

This is a New Testament church and nothing less will do. Each 
local assembly should evaluate its present Bible base and program in the 
light of this passage of Scripture. It is not enough to make a few evan - 
gelical declarations about the church and its mandate. It is safe to say 
that until the church does this, it will not be doing what God desires. 
The result of its operation, therefore, will not be for His glory. As 
each pastor moves into his field of service, his first task is to evalu- 
ate the church of which he is the pastor in the light of Scripture. Where 
the program of the church needs to be brought back into line with the 
Bible, he should insist on this. Otherwise, his ministry to a large ex- 
tent will be unprofitable. 


But we must remember that we cannot explain all of this to all 
of the people who have an opinion about the church. So whether we are 
talking about the National Council of Churches, the World Council of 
Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the American Coun- 
cil of Churches, any denomination, group or fellowship of churches, or 
any local church, remember that it is the visible church which appears 
in the eyes and minds of people and with which they deal directly. Ideally 
we do not want it this way. But this is the way it is. 


By the "world" we generally designate the human race and all 
future generations until Jesus Christ returns to rapture His Bride. The 
spiritual vision of the Church is always world-wide according to Acts 
1:8. The globe must be encircled with the gospel message. 

There are almost three and one-half billion people in the world 
today. The population is gradually increasing. The human race gives 
no indication that it will reduce the rate of replenishing the earth. There- 
fore, our mission field is increasing statistically. It is this world which 
God loves with redemptive purpose and power. This world, part of it 
here in America, is the missionary concern of the church. 

The composition of any society is important in its evangelization. 
Let us see a few of the segments of our society at which the church 
must launch a gospel barrage. 

The present population of the United States is close to 207 million. 
About 60% of these people are too young to remember the first bad de- 
pression. About 50% of them are too young to recall World War II. 
Nearly 20% were not born when John Kennedy was elected President. 
Approximately one-half of our population is under 25. 

Lacking a better designation, we have called this generation "The 
Now Generation. " In some very clear respects we have a different 
world today from that which Paul confronted as he first preached the 
glorious Gospel of Jesus Christ. 

Recently an article appeared in the United Church Herald by Robert 
Kemper. It was entitled, "The Groovy, Lonely, Way-out, Up- tight. 
Mini -skirted, Maxi-active, Turned -on World of the Young. " It contained 
a short biography of a member of the "Now Generation": 

1953 - The year I was born the Korean War ended. 

1954 - When I was one, the Supreme Court banned 

racial segregation in the public schools. 


1955 - When I was 2, Dr. Jonas Salk's polio vaccine 

was pronounced a success. 

1956 - When I was 3, we exploded an H-bomb the 

equivalent of 10 million tons of TNT. 

1957 - When I was 4, the Russians launched Sput- 

nik I. 

1958 - When I was 5, Cardinal Angelo Guiseppe 

Roncalli became Pope John XXIII. 

1959 - When I was 6, Fidel Castro assumed power 

in Cuba. 

1960 - When I was 7, John F. Kennedy was elected 


1961 - When I was 8, the Peace Corps was established. 

1962 - When I was 9, John Glenn orbited the earth. 

1963 - When I was 10, John F. Kennedy was assassi- 


1964 - When 1 was 11, the Senate passed the Gulf of 

Tonkin Resolution and we bombed North Viet- 

1965 - When I was 12, there was a march in Selma. 

1966 - When I was 13, the Red Guards appeared in 


1967 - When I was 14, Newark, Detroit, Los Angeles 

and many other cities rioted. 

1968 - When I was 15, Martin Luther King, Jr. and 

Robert Fo Kennedy were assassinated. 

1969 - I am 16 now„ Men have walked the moon. 

These are the events that have shaped my 

This kaleidoscope of a 16-year-old demonstrates the broad ex- 
perience and background of our youth as compared with the previous 

Recently the residents of Fort Lauderdale, Florida, had to deal 
with an unusual problem--a walking fish. It is called the Asian walk- 
ing catfish. It grows to a size of two feet and has breathing organs and 
pectoral fins that give it overland movement as well as swimming ability. 
It can jump four feet out of the water. It sleeps during the day and is 
active at night. It is so strong and slippery that it is almost impossible 
to handle. Two scientists from the Florida Game and Fresh Water Com- 
mission said, "A fish with the ability and inclination to leave the water 
and walk around is, to the best of our knowledge, unmanageable. " 

Not a bad description of parts of the Now Generation. We have 
a "different breed of catfish" today. Youth today often do not follow 


predictable patterns, or stay in the "ponds. " They are all over and 
full of surprises, some of them unpleasant. Regardless, we must bait 
our gospel hooks for this new breed! 

Unquestionably, our youth today have broader horizons in every 
field except the spiritual than any other generation at the same age . 
Compare what a ten-year-old boy who has just made and launched his 
own rocket knows with what some of us knew when we were ten. Their 
high school material now was college curriculum years ago. The "Pill" 
is no secret. Some of them know more about sex than their parents 

A missionary in the jungles was stopped on the trail by savages 
with bows and arrows. About that time a jet was flying over. The 
missionary pointed up and said, "See big bird. If you hurt me big 
bird will come down and hurt you. " The leader of the band looked puz- 
zled. He said, "Bird? Him no bird! Him Boeing 707!" These are 
amazing days. And yet kids today are trying to extend their limits 
with drugs and psychedelia. 

There is the "new breed" we call hippies, most of whom act as 
if soap and water have gone out of style. These sad-faced, long-haired 
kids are alienated from almost everybody except their own kind. They 
have withdrawn from the world into one of their own making. They 
hate the "Establishment" which has provided the freedom they enjoy. It 
is interesting that Mexico does not admit hippies from the U. S. They 
have enough poverty and parasites in their society. Hippiedom is in- 
creasing in numbers, at least in California. Before you say, "These 
poor kids," remember their beastly, brutual murders, their thievery, 
their "pot" parties. These "back-to-nature" kids who infest our parks 
and beaches should take a few lessons from nature. Based on age and 
superior ability animals in the forest discipline and train their young. 
Who hasn't seen a bear or lion knock a cub sprawling? Nature is way 
ahead of the hippies. This segment of our population the church cannot 
ignore, even though our emotions alternate from contempt to pity to 

Again, the idealists and activists on our campuses today with 
anarchy as their goal are increasing in numbers. Anarchy is here! 
Dr. Fred Schwartz of the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade says: 

The revival of anarchy is one of the significant and 
sinister developments of the last few years. Ten years 
ago it would have been difficult in most communities to 
find an individual who claimed to be an anarchist. To- 
day anarchists abound on every side. 


Terrorist tactics, such as bombing and assassination, 
have characterized the conduct of the anarchist. The 
unprecedented massive bomb wave sweeping this coun- 
try testifies to the rebirth of anarchism. The magni- 
tude of this bomb wave is revealed in a survey pre- 
pared for the Senate Permanent Investigation Commit- 
tee (which is chaired by Senator John McClellan) by the 
Treasury Department. This survey reveals that during 
the 16-month period beginning January 1, and ending last 
April (1970), there were 40,000 bombings, attempts to 
bomb, and bomb threats recorded by local police. 'This 
figure is conservative,' states Eugene Rowsides, Assist- 
ant Secretary of the treasury, 'since not every law en- 
forcement agency of the country was contacted. ' 

The survey showed that there were 4,330 actual bomb- 
ings, 1,475 attempts to bomb, and 35,129 threats to 
bomb. The reported bombings were responsible for the 
deaths of 33 people and $21.8 million of property dam- 
age. The end is not yet in sight. 

Yes, we do have several new breeds. Some of them are un- 
manageable and some very difficult to handle. But I have no frustra- 
tions here. I find that the transforming power of the gospel is suffi- 
cient even for these. It works! Don't allow the oddities and ridicu- 
lous attitudes of these young people to alienate you from them so ef- 
fectively that they are out of your circle of evangelization. 

There is also the "old breed" of young people. 1 hope they out- 
number the "new breed." These youth are just as knowledgeable, and have 
just as much individualism as any of the others. They may want change 
in the "Establishment, " but they go about achieving it in the right manner. 

In fact, it seems apparent that in spite of some university curri- 
culums, the majority of college students still want to learn. However, 
the influence of some large universities is gradually undermining the 
good ambitions of some of these. 

For instance, even though it has been a great school, the Uni- 
versity of California at Los Angeles now rivals most other universities 
as the number one school of revolution. It offers a 12 -unit course in 
the history, anatomy and techniques of revolution, past, present and 
future, and, of course, all in the name of academic freedom. The 
course glorifies such infamous characters as Eldridge Cleaver, Fidel 
Castro and Mao Tse-tung. It isn't any wonder Bob Hope says, "Many 
colleges are no longer giving Bachelor of Arts degrees. After four 


years you become a certified guerilla fighter. " 

Drugs and alcohol are continuing to exact their tragic toll. Dr. 
Stanley YoUes, former director, of the National Institute of Mental Health, 
estimates "that more than 20 million Americans have used marijuana. By 
the time adolescents reach college age," he says, "25 to 40 percent have 
at least tried 'pot. ' About 10 percent of all marijuana experimenters 
may become chronic abusers of marijuana, LSD, barbiturates, ampheta- 
mines, and other drugs. " 

In many instances drugs have taken the place of alcohol on college 
campuses. Yet the number of alcoholics increases each year. 

Expecially since the college campus has become a center of action, 
we must regard it as an important and strategic part of our world to be 
evangelized. The church should be keenly aware of this. 

The average high school graduate has spent about 17,000 hours 
glued to a television set. Thus, all of the baser passions and desires 
in him have been stimulated and he has received a fraction of good ed- 
ucation and wholesome entertainment. Our youth, in fact, our entire 
society, have been conditioned by communication media to produce the 
wicked violence and dangerous permissiveness of our contemporary so- 

The group we call senior citizens has greatly increased since the 
longevity of life has increased. This is a segment of society needing 
very special help from the church in this day. Leisure world complexes, 
with as many as 10,000 units, are springing up all over the nation- 
Most of these have very little gospel testimony. These people are 
friendly and willing to talk about Christ. 

The great "middle class" in America today is where the power 
really is found and they are the most reachable for Christ. Many moth- 
ers and fathers can still be found who are concerned about the spiritual 
welfare of their children. In thousands of contacts through door-to-door 
visitation this fact has been established. The snares and traps set by 
the devil today for our young people and children have sobered these 
parents ranging in age from 30 and up. 

Our contemporary American society is a confused mixture of 
cultures. Often our evangelical churches have a tendency to function 
within a certain culture. But when we send missionaries to Africa we 
break out of our culture. Why not here at home? The missionary vi- 
sion of each New Testament church should cover the entire gamut of 


The reason for emphasizing these facts is not to infer that sins 
committed today are different from sins committed in the first century, 
although this would be partially true. Nor do we suggest that young 
people, physically, psychologically, or spiritually, are any different. 
Nor do we suggest that their spiritual needs are different. But the 
shattering and overwhelming intensity of anti-God and anti-Christ powers 
and influences has increased to white heat. There was a time when 
there were less illegitimate children per capita or when 10% of our 
school children were not smoking marijuana, etc. As far as I can see, 
there has not been a time in history when the world presented the same 
image across the spectrum of human life. 

Unless we make an exhaustive and determined effort to under- 
stand the world today, the effectiveness of our evangelism will be min- 


By "reaching" we mean doing exactly what Jesus said we should 
do in Matthew 28:19 and 20, "Go ye, therefore, and teach all nations, 
baptizing them in the name of the father, and of the son, and of the 
Holy Spirit, teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have com- 
manded you; and, lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the 
age. Amen. " How could our Lord Jesus have been clearer? Who 
could improve on that command in its worldwide scope? It is a defi- 
nite, concisely outlined plan of the divine will which is to be accom- 
plished by the Church of Jesus Christ. It is assumed that we are going 
into this world as believers in Jesus Christ carrying a message which is 
the Word of God. This teaching was given by our Lord with the promise 
of more doctrine to come. Now we also have this outline of Christian 
doctrine from the pens of Paul, Peter, James, John and others. Also, 
we are to baptize believers by Christian water baptism. We are to 
teach them to observe the things which have been commanded in the 
New Testament for daily living and practice. This is to be a continu - 
ing ministry until Jesus brings it to an end as far as the church is con- 
cerned by the rapture of believers from this earth. The methodology 
used in performing this task so clearly outlined by our Lord may indeed 
change from time to time. We must not be absolutely conformed to 
certain methods. We will consider this further in a later lecture. 

Never has the world presented a greater challenge 
to the church! 




Is the church following the Biblical mandate of the Lord Jesus 


One of the most criticized institutions in the world today is the 
church. It has become a "whipping boy" for many of our problems . 
Ever since the beginning of time, man's nature has demanded a whip- 
ing boy for his errors and failures. Adam blamed Eve for tempting 
him with the fruit of the tree. Eve passed the blame to the serpent. 
Harry Truman had a sign on his desk which said, "The buck stops here." 
So today men are blaming the church for their own inadequacies. Don't 
believe all you hear! Criticisms are coming from every quarter with 
extreme and it seems increasing intensity. I doubt if there is any in- 
stitution on the face of the earth today more criticized and emasculated 
than the church. 

Is the church above criticism? No, indeed! Some criticisms are 
valid and some are not. Questions such as, "What's Happening to the 
Church?, " "Has the Church Failed?, " "Is Religion on the Decline?" 
are subjects for an increasing number of articles written by self-styled 
experts on the state of the church. It is amazing how little many of the 
"experts" know about the intrinsic nature and operation of the church. 
Yet they write as if they are authorities on the subject. 

The members of today's churches should face the issues of criti- 
cism squarely with no attempt to avoid the realities they affirm. The 
tendency to fight back and to criticize those who criticize does not pro- 
vide answers. It is true that some criticisms are designed to be de- 
structive and yet even these demand careful consideration because out 
of them may come indications of spiritual needs which are not being 



satisfied by today's church. Also, there are many constructive criti- 
cisms, all of which are well worth our careful consideration. Criticism 
is not necessarily bad. In fact, it may be extremely profitable and 
stimulating in improving the program of the church for tomorrow. 


Those who are familiar with and informed about the church of 
this day should be the first to admit that the church is weak spiritually . 
The leaven of apostasy has swept through the church like a brush fire . 
The infiltration has been insidious and effective. The great church which 
came into existence on the day of Pentecost as so graphically narrated 
in Acts 2, was really intended to be a channel of spiritual instruction, 
edification and blessing to the world. That edification was to come di- 
rectly from the Word of God. But now, after about 2,000 years of op- 
eration, it appears that the church which is supposed to be proclaiming 
the Word of God and which has its roots historically in the New Testa- 
ment, is in need of the Word of God itself. Many churches have re- 
jected the Person of Jesus Christ and His deity and have abandoned the 
gospel message. Humanistic philosophy instead has become the message 
of the church. Often the church seems like a boat which is hopelessly 
lost at sea, drifting without rudder in a great mass of apostasy. Instead 
of ministering to the spiritual needs of others, the church needs help. 
She is taking an active role in the revolts and protests of the day and 
getting her orders from men instead of from God. Some church pub- 
lishing houses are publishing obscene publications. Men of the cloth 
are preaching and publishing sermons on subjects like "The Advantages 
of Adultery. " Some pastors are relating to the world with long hair , 
beards, and some churches are now complete with psychedelic church 
music which is so close to "rock" it is difficult to tell the difference. 


Secular magazines and the press today are printing articles which 
rebuke the church under such titles as "The Surprising Beliefs of our 
Future Ministers," or "An Obituary for God." The name of Louis Cassels 
is familiar to all of us. At the present time he is Senior Editor of the 
United Press International in Washington, D. C. I have read his com- 
ments on the church with great interest. Some of his criticisms have 
been worthwhile. Others have been slanted not only toward the far left 
in theology, but also in politics. The church could get along very well 
without "friends" like Mr. Cassels. Some magazines are focusing on 
those who are called "Christian Atheists, " giving them credit for waking 
up the churches to the stark reality that the basic premise of Christianity 
--:he existence of a personal God who created the world and sustains it 
with His love--is now subject to attack. This situation has gone so 


far as to be absolutely absurd and ridiculous. Even some Protestant 
liberals are concerned about it. Dr. R. J. MacCracken of the Riverside 
Church in New York City not long ago stated, "Christianity no longer 
is at the hub of things, exerting any great influence on civilization. Ours 
is a civilization drifting away from Christianity. " Yet this very same 
man is part of an apostate movement which is responsible in part for 
the spiritual lifelessness and powerlessness of Christianity in this day. 


Heresy is a word which we often avoid because of its very strong 
implications. We want to be tactful, kind and loving. Therefore, we 
find it untactful to use such a strong designation for untruth and unbelief. 
Bert E. McCormick, Minister of the First Presbyterian Church of New- 
castle, Pennsylvania, wrote: "The creeds and doctrines of Christianity 
are based more on the thinking of Paul than on that of Jesus. And, al- 
though the Pope may claim infallibility, Paul did not. At times Paul 
sounds like a crusty old theologian straight from a monastery. How- 
ever, although he experienced a fantastic conversion, although he was 
the 'brains' of the early church, and although he wrote in his epistles 
a colossal foundation for Christian believing, he remains subject to er- 
ror. Therefore, as long as Christianity is defined primarily in terms 
of belief, the Christian, as a follower of Jesus Christ and not of Paul , 
has every right to question present day creeds and doctrines. " 

Jesus answered this clearly in John 16:13, "Nevertheless, when 
he, the Spirit of truth, is come, he will guide you into all truth; for he 
shall not speak of himself, but whatever he shall hear, that shall he 
speak; and he will show you things to come. " In this statement, Jesus 
clearly referred to the New Testament revelation which was to come and 
which involved Paul's epistles as well as all of the other New Testament 
books. It was His Spirit, the Spirit of truth, who would provide this 
eternal revelation. What Paul wrote were the words and the thoughts of 
Jesus Christ. Therefore, Paul was not subject to error in revelation . 
As he wrote Scripture he was infallible in the record God wanted re- 

In the same article, another quotation gives an indication of the 
direction in which many clergymen are headed today. "There is virtu- 
ally no evidence that Jesus ever advocated formalized believing. Hence , 
this voice in the wilderness cries: 'For the Christian, heresy is not a 
legitimate word; there is no such creature as a 'right-thinking' one; the 
primary definition of Christianity should not be in terms of belief. 

In answer, Christianity is a person, the Lord Jesus Christ. In 
John 20131, we find with specific reference to John's Gospel, "But these 


are written that ye might believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of 
God; and that believing you might have life through his name. " The whole 
burden of the Gospel of John is that men might be led to believe in Jesus 
Christ. This at once becomes the absolute and complete basis for any 
other movement of Christian doctrine. Frequently in the Gospel of John 
Jesus requested that the Pharisees and the people should believe in Him. 
"Believe" and "faith" are the two New Testament wonderful words of life 
and are translated from the same word in the Greek, pisteuo, which to- 
gether with the prepositions, epi, en, and eis , make the whole process 
of believing an intensified and emphatic one. To believe and promote 
principle or doctrine which are not in line with the Word of God is her- 
esy. Yes, this is a word which should be a part of the vocabulary of 
the Christian today as he points out departures from the faith. 


Vast portions of Sunday School and church literature are nothing 
more than contrived propaganda being used by liberal theologians and 
even by those who are associated with Communist fronts to lead our 
youth into subversive activities. It should not be necessary for Sunday 
School teachers to search their material for the gospel. Many devoted 
people who desire to give children and young people the Word of God 
have talked with me about this serious lack in their own denominations. 
Can we find Sunday School material which will bring to youth the mes- 
sage of truth? Thank God it is available, but this is not always known 
to teachers who desire to use it. 


Many of the seminaries in our land today have become nothing 
more than intellectual and philosophic institutions. The student of the- 
ology who sits in seminary classes and daily listens to professors who 
degrade moral and spiritual standards and who try to recruit him for 
group social action, substituting modern psychological, philosophical and 
sociological theories for proven spiritual truths, gradually surrenders 
his individualism and becomes a collectivist. If he ever wakes up and 
finds what a trick Satan played on him, it may be years later as an 
ordained minister when he finds he must discover better answers to 
man's problems than he was taught in seminary. Then he may turn 
to the Bible. But even the teaching of the English Bible is a secondary 
consideration in many of these schools. The study of Hebrew and Greek 
with a desire to know the basic meanings of the words used in Bible man- 
uscripts is almost a thing of the past. Seminary professors often are 
avowed unbelievers, and even worse, represent the Marxist philosophy. 
Departments of religion in state -operated and private schools and uni- 
versities are largely devoid of true Bible teaching. Where does the 


true church get its trained preachers? 


Evangelical young people are also critical of the church. In a 
recent article by Dr. Richard McNeely on "The Church and Contempor- 
ary Society," he summarized some material from the October, 1969 issue 
of His magazine which contains criticisms of the churches evangelical 
young people have attended. For purposes of easier understanding, he 
has grouped these under three headings. I quote: 

First, there were a number of things which related 
to the Mission of the Church : Lack of involvement, 
merely another social program, irrelevant, does not 
symbolize the priorities and values of Jesus Christ , 
questionable goals, does not want to accept the non- 
conformist or the one who is different, and it seem- 
ingly is more interested in the maintenance of the in- 

Second, those related to the Image of the Church : An 
artificiality in dealing with one another, a failure to 
receive one another without scruples about peripheral 
matters, a bureaucratic institution, too organized to 
allow the Spirit freedom, prayer is too general, a fail- 
ure to deal with current problems, the offering of pat 
answers for the perplexing problems facing society, a 
mass of pew-sitters. 

Then there are some feelings voiced against the Preach - 
ing of the Church : It is anti- intellectual (not aware of 
the current philosophies, art, music, drama, motion 
pictures, or literature), waters down hard truths to 
make them more acceptable and practical, is not scratch- 
ing where the itch is, steers its subject matter to areas 
where people do not feel any need to change. 

As many of us know the church today, it is immediately clear 
that some of these criticisms leveled by yoimg people at the visible 
churches are valid. Some are not valid and not well taken. But we 
must not dismiss these criticisms as opinions of those who are imma- 
ture. A careful consideration of what young people think of the church 
and its approach to the problems of society today will certainly be so- 
bering and stimulating to all of us. 



Again, the ministry of today's church has become largely social 
rather than spiritual. Often the social gospel has taken the place of the 
true Gospel of Jesus Christ. This social gospel is a general designa- 
tion given to that school of thought which almost exclusively concerns 
material and temporal affairs. The basic theory is that in order to 
redeem man, the society in which he lives must first be changed to the 
point of redemption. In our area another name has been used for this 
operation, "the Kingdom of God. " This seems to cover a vast amount 
of activity in the name of God and of the church. From the viewpoint 
of the world, much of this seems to be fine, humane and for the per- 
manent improvement of society. No matter what you call it, this so- 
called gospel is not the gospel which Paul preached. Paul's gospel basi- 
cally concerns man's personal, eternal relationship to God while the 
social gospel deals with the relationship of men to each other in a soci- 
ety. It is by accepting the Gospel of the New Testament that men are 
born again and brought into personal contact with God through Jesus 
Christ. The social gospel has as its aim the salvation of society in a 
sociological sense. There is no doubt that today the church is largely 
concerned with the social gospel. Dr. J. Lester McGee, Pastor of the 
Centenary United Methodist Church in St. Louis, Missouri, preached a 
sermon on the subject, "I Cry in Contrition for the Clergy." He said, 
and I quote: 

Methodist ministers by the hundreds, many of them 
in high echelons and prestigious pulpits, began denying 
the value of the church's major mission across the 
years and throwing out the traditional Methodist evan- 
gelicalism. The pulpit moved far left of center. Draft 
evasion was excused. Demonstrations, sit-downs, sit- 
ins, police heckling, street brawling, and countless 
other dissident and disruptive practices were condoned, 
if not openly advocated. 

We started equating the Christian mission with involve- 
ment in social issues under the devious delusion of re- 
conciling the human race and rehabilitating society, 
with little or no concern for personal redemption and 
reconciliation with God in Christ. 

So saving went out. Social activism came in. Liberals 
were riding high. I remember one of my superiors 
telling me the time had come to throw away all of my 
old sermons and get with it. If I didn't, I did not be- 
long to the new Methodist Church. The heyday was 
here --a new church for a new world. 


Dr. McGee describes the situation which exists in many churches 
today. Instead of preaching the pure Gospel of Jesus Christ with all of 
the clear, associated Biblical involvements, pastors are protesting with 
the crowd or involving themselves in some social enterprise which could 
not be justified in Scripture. 

This adherence to the social gospel by so many ministers today 
has made them susceptible to both socialism and communism. They 
have moved into an area of human philosophy where the subtleties of 
communism are merged with what are supposed to be improvements in 
society. Liberal clergymen who are followers of these humanistic phi- 
losophies have opened the way for infiltration of communist agents into 
our seminaries and our church organizations. This is a clever and 
devilish trap. 

One communist, in testifying to a House committee in Washing- 
ton, D. C. , said that their purpose was "to make the seminary the neck 
of a funnel through which thousands of potential clergymen would issue 
forth. " It is understood that such clergymen would be completely in- 
doctrinated in the communist ideology. 

The social gospel approach puts the church in a position where 
it is primarily concerned with programming for the improvement of 
society. Its agencies are concerned mainly with sociology and civic 
organizations, etc. This programming has nothing directly to do with 
the preaching of the pure Gospel of Jesus Christ. 


Again, many believers today are practicing what we might call 
a convenient faith in Jesus Christ . I am not popular when I call upon 
Christians to consider very carefully and analyze critically their per- 
sonal faith in Jesus Christ in relation to their practical responsibilities 
to Him. It seems they would rather just belong to a church, practice 
minimal attendance and make an occasional gift to God's cause. They 
want a faith which does not interfere with their chosen way of life. I 
have heard it often, "Let's not get too involved. " They will help plan 
the social events of the church while completely avoiding any participa- 
tion in personal evangelism. Places of official responsibility in the 
church are avoided. Many believers today are this carnal. They are 
adapted to the movements and the satisfactions of the flesh rather than 
adapted to the movement and pleasure of the Holy Spirit of God. They 
act as if the Lord came to do their will and bow to their wishes. Paul 
Scherer reminds us that we cannot have the God we want, "A God who 
never moves the furniture around or upsets anything. He does not come 
with His feather duster to see that what we are already is in apple pie 


order. " How true! Our service for Christ will undoubtedly upset our 
plans. Such professing Christians make the church weak spiritually. 

Within the so-called church today there are many splinter groups 
of varied types. We may take a large circle and call it the visible 
church and then look hard and critically at it. You have the two large 
groups of Roman Catholics and Protestants. Then there are many de- 
nominations, enough to fill a 300-page book. Among these theologically 
there are the liberals, the neo- orthodox, the new evangelicals, the evan- 
gelicals, the Pentecostals, fundamentalists, and so forth. Extending 
from resources in local churches are such organizations as Campus 
Crusade for Christ, Youth for Christ, the Child Evangelism Fellowship , 
Inter-Varsity Fellowship, and others, which are evangelizing the vari- 
ous segments of our society. In addition some kind of a so-called teen- 
age religious revival is sweeping the country. All over America many 
youngsters have dropped out of all kinds of churches, Protestant and 
Roman Catholic. They are following underground, self-ordained reli- 
gious leaders, studying Far Eastern philosophies, wearing all sorts of 
attire to brand themselves. They call themselves by many different 
names, "Jesus Fellows," "Jesus Freaks" (because they have "freaked- 
out" on Jesus), "the Love Cult," "Jesus Lovers," etc. One thing they 
have in common- -Jesus is their hero! What does this mean? What 
do they mean when they say they have "taken Christ?" Your guess is 
as good as mine. One thing is certain. In the cases known to me and 
many friends, "taking Jesus" makes little difference in their lives. Often 
they study with the Bible in one hand and with LSD or a marijuana ciga- 
rette in the other hand. Their brand of Christianity does not lead them 
to soap and water, nor to secure a job and stop being leeches on society.. 
In some cases, they live communally, men and women together, in the 
same house --under the umbrella of Christianity. I have no doubt the 
holy Christ does not approve of what goes on there. In their rebellion 
they have produced their own counter-culture and counter -religion. Just 
along the West Coast there are now more than 100 communes of those 
who say they believe the Bible. They call their meeting places "Jesus 
Houses," or "Christian Houses," "Port of Call," or "Tree of Life." 
Even though they are practically 100% long-haired and unsanitary, they 
reject the appellation, "hippie. " Most of these are from middle or upper 
class families and have had some knowledge of the Bible previously. 

It is significant that the "religion" adopted by many of these groups 
is directed toward passivity rather than toward activity. For this reason, 
they do not grow in grace and in the knowledge of Christ. They are too 
lazy and undisciplined. Therefore, by the personal testimony of their 
own leaders, many who have made professions soon move on and are 
not seen again. True Christianity is characterized by intense activity 
and edification. Christ said to Paul, "But rise, and stand upon thy feet; 


for I have appeared unto thee for this purpose; to make thee a minister 
and a witness both of these things which thou hast seen, and of those 
things in which I will appear unto thee" (Acts 26:16). Peter says about 
the Christian life, "And beside this, giving all diligence, add to your 
faith virtue," (II Peter 1:5). Speudo means "hasten," "get it done." 
Urgency and importance are expressed. Today we would say, "Get 
with it!" So the Jesus revolution does not exactly produce what Jesus 
desires. Yet all of these groups either profess to be churches or they 
are presuming to take the place God gave to the New Testament Church . 

Almost without exception these groups have the Libertine attitude 
toward the Christian life. In early times the Libertines were those who 
became freed men from slavery. Then this word was used to describe 
Christians who had decided that since they were saved by grace this en- 
titled them to the privilege of doing what they felt was right since God's 
grace would cover all. They present a vivid portrayal of modern anti- 
nomianism. They call me a legalist, which I am not. These people tell 
us they are "happy in Jesus" and yet they can drink, smoke, become 
dope addicts and carelessly throw the flesh around. 

Among other things they have adapted Christian doctrines and 
principles to their own convenience. They select what appeals to them 
and ignore the rest. They forget that Bible principles are not subject 
to change . Some sections of Aldous Huxley's book. Ends and Means , 
are interesting. He tmderlines the fact that man's psychology shows 
clearly that one of his basic characteristics is to find reasons for what 
he wants to do or for not doing what he does not want to do. More 
and more professing Christians are like this today. They find reasons, 
often under grace they think, for making their own standards which do 
not interfere with their freedom. To them grace is license. Jude de- 
scribes people who turn the grace of God into lasciviousness by practic- 
ing moral anarchy (Jude 4). A person who professes to be a Christian 
has adopted a set of Bible principles which constitute the blueprint by 
which he charts his course in this life. When he ignores this fact he 
displeases God and is not on a New Testament basis. Paul hit this at- 
titude sharply in II Corinthians 6:17 where he writes, "Wherefore, come 
out from among them, and be ye separate, saith the Lord, and touch not 
the unclean thing; and I will receive you, and will be a Father unto you, 
and ye shall be my sons and daughters, saith the Lord Almighty," This 
is an imperative to each child of God no matter where he worships God 
or how. If he claims to be a Christian, he should be separated from 
the world system of sin and unrighteousness. It is not necessary at 
this point to define further what we mean by separation, except to say 
that the positive approach to this problem is found in Romans 12:1, 
where the same apostle pleads with believers that they present their 
bodies actively to the Lord to be used according to His will. Paul does 


not condone the use of grace as it is being practiced today in some 
evangelical (so-called), religious groups. In Romans 6:1 and 2, he 
says, "Shall we continue in sin, that grace may abound? God forbid. " 

The Bible is still our standard for holiness and purity and clean 
living in this world. 

It should be emphasized that there are a few organizations out- 
side the local church which are doing about as well with this segment 
of our society as possible. The so-called "Light and Power Company, " 
co-founded by Hal Lindsey, reaches youth on campuses especially. An 
effort is made to edify those who are saved. In San Fernando "Action 
Life" is at work. Young people are won to Christ and then sent out to 
witness. We are told by these groups and some others that they are 
not anti-church. But they say, "The movement today is outside the 
church building on the streets, beaches and highways. " Mr. Lindsey 
says, "Young people like informality; we're trying to get back to a 
church that is based on first century principles. " I wonder what he 
means by this. I think my church is based on first century principles. 
Is this an indirect way of slapping the church which is doing a job for 
God based on the New Testament? When these leaders start talking 
about the church they should make their meaning crystal clear. If the 
church had to depend on such groups to evangelize the world, even though 
they point to some kids going to Denmark and sharing the gospel with 
10, 000 people in two weeks, the job would never get done. The fact is 
that many of these kids, even after they are saved, make themselves 
so undesirable to the culture they have left and to which they themselves 
often do not return, that their testimony to the rank and file is nullified. 
Compare their missionary efforts with what the New Testament organized 
church has done through the centuries. 

However, it becomes very clear that local churches which are 
endeavoring to pattern themselves according to the New Testament rev- 
elation are being seriously misrepresented by this section of the visible 


Again, there is a serious and tragically decreasing emphasis on 
personal evangelism. It would be logical that churches which preach and 
practice a social gospel would not do personal witnessing for Christ. 
After all, what do they have to witness about? About all they can do 
is encourage people to join their protest marches. But even in churches 
where the Word of God is taught and preached faithfully by a godly under- 
shepherd, systematic planning in soul-winning is often a thing of the 
past. One pastor said to me sometime ago, and I quote him, "You 


will never catch me out in the community visiting house to house. " His 
was a small church and destined to stay that way. The words of our 
Lord Jesus in Acts 1:8 make this matter abundantly clear: "But ye shall 
receive power, after that the Holy Spirit is come upon you; and ye shall 
be witnesses unto me both in Jerusalem, and in all Judea, and in Samaria, 
and unto the uttermost part of the earth. It is safe to say that in this 
day no church can possibly grow on the right Biblical basis without a 
witnessing ministry. Also it is true that no church can possibly be a 
spiritual church without such a ministry. 

Indeed, the critics of the church, those who understand it and 
who see and comprehend its attitudes and responses, have some strong, 
basic, justified criticisms. 

It is clear that this could go on and on. Yes, the church needs 
constructive criticism. It needs to face certain issues in its attitudes 
and ministry and to analyze these things in the light of the Word of God. 
There is no doubt that in its present spiritual state, the church at large 
will be ineffective in the evangelization of the world. 




By Charles Augustxis Briggs. Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, reprint 

1970, $8.95, 688 pp. 

Baker Book House has reprinted General Introduction to the Study 
of Holy Scripture as a volume in its Limited Editions Library. This 
book was written before the turn of the century by the great liberal scho- 
lar Charles Augustus Briggs who is still known by seminary students for 
his contributions to the Hebrew lexicon commonly referred to as BDB . 
Briggs was tried and acquitted of heresy by the Presbytery of New York 
and later became a priest in the Protestant Episcopal Church. He taught 
for many years at Union Theological Seminary in New York. 

This book represents the old liberal rationalism which preceded 
the theological mysticism of neo -orthodoxy. As such it is a classic of 
that tradition of scholarship. Briggs accepted the Higher Critical eval- 
uation of the Scriptures and was repulsed by the doctrine of the iner- 
rancy of the Bible. He believed in the authority of an errant Bible. 
Higher Criticism was the means by which one could understand the 
Scriptures and make it intellectually acceptable. Briggs had a strong 
attachment to the Church and wanted to reform it in connection with 
what he considered to be the facts as uncovered by the thinkers of his 
day. There is no question of his deep sincerity and equally profound 
hurt at being rejected by those who disagreed with him. 

The reviewer would recommend this book to evangelical students, 
not only as an exercise in recent past history of Christian scholarship, 
but as a revealing look into the heart of a man. This volume as an 
introduction to the Bible is far out of date. The Higher Criticism that 
Briggs defended is largely repudiated by the brute facts of recent dis- 
covery. However, many of the questions with which he struggled are still 
dogging those who have difficulty with the Scripture. Perhaps reading 
Briggs' book will help the student to see the error of newer systems of 
interpretation while at the same time coming to grips with the Christian's 
responsibility to love those whose views are unacceptable. 

Dwight E. Acomb 
Fresno, California 



WHAT ABOUT HOROSCOPES? By Joseph Bayly. David C. Cook 

Publishing Company, Elgin, Illinois, 1970. 95(^ paper, 95 pp. 

This latest work by a thought -provoking author is timely, coura- 
geous and honest. 

Its timeliness is explained by the fact that many in the western 
world ssem entranced with astrology. The proportions are astonishing 
with 1,200 newspapers featuring regular columns on astrology and many 
people in the local churches reading them regularly with varying degrees 
of credence. The treatise is courageous in that it unflinchingly discusses 
many unanswerable areas of spiritism. The author is honest, admitting 
that there are multitudes of phenomena for which there is no logical ex- 

The title of the book is too narrow as it also treats extra-sensory 
perception, communication with the dead and other areas. 

There is a good mixture of historical facts, personal experience, 
current observations and Biblical instruction. The reader will find par- 
ticularly interesting Mr. Bayly's conversation with James Pike and later 
comments on the bishop's supposed communication with his deceased son. 
Yet, one is puzzled with the author's concluding comment," . . . but a 
lot of it seems to have come, at the very least, from beyond the medi- 
ums" (p. 73). 

The rising tide of witchcraft in the world presents a need for 
concern in addition to the cults involving Satan worship. The author's 
remarks as to the possibilities of demon possession are sobering and 
worthwhile. He seems to diagnose these growing cancers properly with 
the following statement, ". . . may be an open invitation to Satan and 
his demons to come out into the open in our society, to fill the vacuum 
of spirit that exists" (p. 45). 

Indeed, there is reason for distress when the school systems which 
amputated the Bible from the classroom now add an elective in palmistry. 

For the Christian looking for a book dealing with the present crisis 
in spiritism here is one which he can read and recommend. Even in 
the statements where you may disagree, at least you will be stimulated. 
The style of writing is easy and intriguing much like the author's most 
recent work VIEW FROM A HEARSE. Though it can be consumed in 
one evening, its contents will remain for time to come. 

William L. Coleman 
Sterling, Kansas 


THE CHURCH OF THE MlWLE AGES By Carl A. Volz, Concordia Pub- 

lishing House, St. Louis, 1970. 198 pp. 

All readers and students of Church History will be grateful to Dr. 
Carl Volz, professor of church history at Concordia Seminary, St. Louis, 
for this helpful little volume on THE CHURCH OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 
The chronological boundaries of the work are defined in the sub-title: 
Growth and Change from 600 to 1400. But this is not a mere recitation 
of chronological events through these eight centuries. While giving the 
sweep and movement of events, the author adopts the topical method of 
analyzing the period. This he does with skill and effectiveness. 

The author feels that most impressions of this period are based 
upon a "kind of mythical medieval church which actually never existed. " 
It is his purpose 'to present the church as it developed, with the hope 
that the reader will be able to assess its true nature with sympathetic 
understanding. " In the opinion of the reviewer he accomplishes his pur- 
pose well in a book of small size. 

Careful discrimination is exercised in the selection of material. 
There are many concise and helpful definitions of institutions of the per- 
iod such as feudalism, scholasticism, monasticism, and various doctrines 
of the church. Selections from primary sources are sprinkled throughout 
the book. An appendix contains other well-chosen selections. Among 
these the reader will appreciate the definitions of the seven sacraments 
of the church as given by Pope Eugenius IV (1439). 

While many books on history are informative, not all are interest- 
ing. This fine volume is interesting, enjoyable reading. It should prove 
to be of real value to pastor, teacher, and laymen. Dr. Volz' work is 
the second of a serious of three volumes on THE CHURCH IN HISTORY 
published by Concordia. This reviewer is looking forward to reading the 
other two. 

Ivan H. French 
Grace Theological Seminary 

SATURATIOW EVANGELISM By George W. Peters. Zondervan Pub- 

lishing House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 237 pp., paperback, $3.45. 

"The supreme mission of the Church is missions" . . . "world 
evangelism is not an elective in Christianity" . . . and'bvangelism orig- 
inated in the heart of God" are phrases used by the author which succinctly 
unveil his burden and purpose in making this work available to the church 
of the 70's. It is another in a growing list of books on soul-winning and 
world-wide evangelism with the reaching of the world in our generation 
as the key vision. 


After an initial and appropriate presentation of definitions in Part 
One, Dr. Peters enters into a discussion of evangelism according to the 
Bible. Part Two consists of a thorough analysis of the two parent move- 
ments of saturation evangelism, namely, "Evangelism-in-Depth' and "New 
Life for All . " In Part Three, household evangelism and group move- 
ments are examined in the light of Scripture and cultural relationships . 
Dr. Peters has assembled sufficient facts by on-the-field observation to 
produce a work of major importance about a basic in-depth evangelistic 
method in use for the past ten years. 

The author is very fair in his presentation and evaluation of the 
statistics concerning saturation evangelism; he points out its strengths 
and weaknesses as well as making recommendations for its future appli- 
cation. Clear thinking, extended vision and warm devotion on the part 
of the writer unite to give this volume great significance for our times. 

Much of our American "Churchianity" is actually aimed at only 
maintaining the "status quo. " The evangelistic action described in this 
publication could produce the spiritual revolution so many crave. 

P. Fredrick Fogle 
Grace Theological Seminary 

LECTURES OU PREACHING By Philips Brooks. Baker Book House, 

Grand Rapids, 1969. 281 pp. $2.95, paper. 

Preachers are interested in books on preaching. Baker Book House 
has done them a splendid service with the new series on Notable Books 
on Preaching. One book in this series is a re -print of Philips Brooks' 
1877 Yale Lectures on Preaching. Even though the original work was 
published over 90 years ago, the timeliness of the practical aspects 
of this book are rich indeed. Many of the essential factors that go 
together to make a preacher what he ought to be for God are discussed. 
This writer felt that Brooks "warmed" to his subject as the lectures 
progressed. This, however, is not unusual for a preacher! 

The work of the Christian ministry is set forth on the high plane 
it rightfully deserves. The chapters deal with the preacher himself, his 
people, his message, his place in history. It is interesting to note that 
even in Philips Brooks' time, men were saying that the day of preaching 
was past. 

Men called of God to preach will find that this book stirs the soul. 
Hopefully, it will make the reader desire to be a better Biblical preachei; 

Robert K. Spradling 
Bible Center Church 
Charleston, West Virginia 


EVOLUUOhl OW TRIAL by Cora A. Reno. Moody Press, Chicago, 

Illinois, 1970. 192 pp., $3.95. 

Many young people are faced with the theory of evolution in their 
high school days without adequate resource for understanding the factors 
involved. The proper literature has not been available to meet their 
needs. It is for those in this age group, their parents, and others in- 
terested in helping to clarify a Christian approach to evolution for the 
high schooler that Cora Reno has written Evolution on Trial . 

Cora Reno has spent over twenty years in the field of education 
including three years at the elementary level, nine years in high school, 
and seven years in Christian colleges (Westmont and Biola Colleges) where 
she taught zoology. She holds a B. S. degree in zoology from Wheaton 
College, and M. A. in the same discipline from the University of Michigan, 
and currently is completing a Ph. D. at the University of California at 

"The author is a creationist who accepts the Bible as the Word of 
God and believes that He is the source of all things" (p. 5). However, 
she accepts uniformitarian approach to the question of the age of the 
earth, which she says is four or five billion years old, and geology and 
paleontology as they are applied to Genesis chapters 1 and 2. She be- 
lieves that the "days" of Genesis are ages throughout which God distri- 
buted creative acts. 

The book is divided into nineteen chapters dealing with fossils, 
geology and paleontology, genetics, classification of species, embryology, 
mutations, time of creation, origin of life, similarity and relationship, 
and other topics. In chapter nineteen she attempts to move the reader 
into making a positive response to Christ. Here she emphasizes the 
unique character and truthfulness of the Bible which presents both Christ 
and creation. Most chapters are subdivided into a statement of evolu- 
tionary interpretation followed by a creationist interpretation. At the 
back of her book she includes a helpful chart which shows the pertinent 
pages in current high school biology textbooks where the theory of evo- 
lution is discussed as related to certain supposed evidences. This is 
followed by an annotated bibliography of more than thirty-five books re- 
lated to the topic of evolution. Here she should have included A. E. 
Wilder-Smith's Man's Origin, Man's Destiny in the reviewer's opinion. 

Cora Reno's presentation is strongest in her chapters on similar- 
ity and relationship, embryology, genetics, origin of life, and change and 
design. Her weakest chapters deal with the time of creation and geology 
and paleontology. In the former she does not adequately present the 
views of those with whom she differs, especially in regard to the canopy 


and flood geology theories. In the latter she overstates the validity of 
radioactive dating methods while ignoring the basic assumptions neces- 
sary for acceptance of such procedures. She mentions on page 39 that 
"radioactive methods are not influenced by ordinary environmental changes 
of heat, magnetic and electrical fields, vacuum or 'light" but does not 
reveal the fact that water seems to have a definite influence. 

While noting that the fossils of the geological column were formed 
under water and are found in sedimentary rock, she declares that the 
Bible gives little or no information about many subjects in science, neg- 
lecting to note the world-wide flood of catastrophic proportions in the 
time of Noah which might very well solve several of her problems. 
When she annotated The Genesis Flood in her bibliography she stated 
that she disagreed with much of the material opposing uniformitarian. 
geology. However, she should not have left out the flood of Noah as 
possibly playing some role in the formation of the present state of the 
earth's surface. She implies that fear motivates some Christians so 
that they will not accept an ancient date for the creation of the earth 
and data related to paleontology. She apparantly discounts reports of 
fossilized humanoid footprints in the same rock level as those of dino- 
saurs and other such data which might make one re-evaluate the pos- 
sibilities in connection with the geological record. She also makes no 
mention of the problem of overshifts. 

Miss Reno appeals to Christians for understanding in regard to 
other Christians' views of origins. The reviewer agrees. She empha- 
sizes that all views involve the interpretation of facts and are in reality 
only theories. She encourages her readers to be cautious not to accept 
every theory that comes along because many are not Biblical. She notes 
that many subjects are not closed and challenges her readers to further 
study in several areas where the theories have not answered all the 

The reviewer appreciated much of the author's presentation. He 
feels, however, that in the areas of geology and paleontology, and there- 
fore her discussion of the age of the earth and certain fossil remains, 
she does not show the same openness to possibility that she reflects 
elsewhere. She seems not to allow for any significant alternatives to 
an uniformitarian approach to the data. An acceptance of a sediment 
deposit rate in the formation of sedimentary rock is probably as invalid 
as the old archaeological method of dating phases of tells by establishing 
a deposit rate and then measuring from the top of the tell to determine 
the age of the phase. It was not adequate in archaeology because most 
of the real factors of tell building were not taken into account. Uni- 
formity here is largely a matter of faith and not fact alone. 


The reviewer thinks that Evolution on Trial is a brave attempt to 
get accurate information on origins to those who are being confronted 
with the theory of evolution in high school. He recommends the book 
with the above reservations. 

DwightE. Acomb 
Fresno, California 


dervan Publishing House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 234 pp., paperback, $2. 45. 

This volume is the revision of a previous work, copyrighted in 
1949, entitled A. Christian Philosophy of Missions . An attractive up-to- 
date binding enrobes the contents. 

Chapter I, "The World in Which We Live" was partially rewritten 
to include recent facts and figures bearing on the subject, but it appears 
that the same plates were used for all the succeeding chapters. 

The reader who is familiar with the 1949 edition, is left to de- 
termine for himself the reason for changing the word "Christian" to 
"Evangelical" and "Philosophy" to "Theology. " It is not self-evident and 
the author has made no attempt to explain or refer to the previous pub- 

In the light of the title, the need for the production of a true 
theology of missions, and the qualifications of Dr. Lindsell to expound 
on the subject, I was quite disappointed that the book is principally a 

A theology of missions should be the result of dealing extensively 
with specific portions of the Holy Scriptures through a process of care- 
ful exegesis, analysis and formation of doctrines. Much Biblical truth 
is contained in Dr. Lindsell's work, in chapters such as "A Final Foun- 
dation--the Word of God" and "A Final Theology--The Gospel", but 
specific references from the Bible are rare. 

Among those who do not possess the original publication, this 
book deserves wide diffusion and the truths therein should be taken 
seriously by all evangelical Christians. 

P. Fredrick Fogle 
Grace Theological Seminary 

HAPFV MOMEMTS WITH GOV By Margaret J. Anderson. Bethany Fel- 

lowship, Inc., Publishers, Minneapolis, Minn., 1962. $1.95, 189 pp. 

Mrs. Margaret Anderson, a mother and a grandmother, knows 
how to write for children! Her 100 devotions are short, simple and 


spiritual. She not only writes in a life-like manner, she uses several 
stories based upon personal experiences. 

The arrangement is the same for each devotion: Story, applica- 
tion, Bible verse and prayer. The stories are interesting and cover a 
wide range of subjects (e.g., conduct, service, missions, existence of 
God, salvation, sin repetition). The application is handled in various 
ways such as questions, exhortation or spiritual climax. The Bible verses 
are paraphrased and accurate as a rule. Most of the prayers are ad- 
dressed to the Father, but the ones addressed to the Lord Jesus are 
meaningful to children. 

Mrs. Anderson's illustrated pictures are large, bold and attrac- 
tive. Her devotional titles are interesting and unforced. A Scripture 
index is included at the end of the book. Not all readers will agree 
with Mrs. Anderson's view that the indwelling of Christ is our love for 
Christ (p. 14) or that "no one is too young to give Jesus his heart" 
(p. 15). 

The reviewer read these devotions to his two daughters, ages three 
and eight. Both girls immsnsely enjoyed the stories and the eight year 
old girl quickly grasped the meaning and application. This book is re- 
commended for devotional reading to smaller children. 

James H. Gabhart 
First Baptist Church 
Chesterton, Indiana 


By John E. Meeter, ed. Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Company, Nut- 

ley. New Jersey, 1970. 494 pp. $7.50. No index. 

Dr. Meeter merits our sincere thanks for preparing the present 
volume. It is an anthology of short articles written by Warfield on an 
immense variety of subjects ranging from, "The Significance of the Con- 
fessional Doctrine of the Decree" to "Our Seminary Curriculum, " and 
from "The Old Testament and Immortality" to "Dr. Charles Hodge as 
a Teacher of Exegesis. " The articles are compiled into six sections 
dealing primarily with Bibliology and Religion, Theology proper, Chris- 
tology, Soteriology, and a potpourri section, and a section of biographi- 
cal articleSo 

Because of its great diversity of material this book offers a unique 
and facinating biographical insight into the life of Dr. Warfield. It shows 
him as a prodigious scholar capable of writing on many subjects well. 
A master logician, he displays the fine arts of his trade especially in 
the two articles on the resurrection. Methodically the possible 


alternatives are exposed and destroyed until one is left beside the empty 
tomb breathless at its historicity and glory. Warfield's profound Cal- 
vinism is shown in "What is Calvinsim?" His conclusion in short is, 
"Calvinism is just religion in its purity. " Amazing! The devotional 
spirit in Warfield, largely overlooked, blossoms in "The Religious Life 
of Seminary Students. " Every seminarian should make this article his 
own--it is soul stirring! Doctrinal bias creeps to the fore in such arti- 
cles as "Christian Baptism" and "The Gospel and the Second Coming. " 
The former is a defence of pedobaptism and the latter of A-millenialism . 
Warfield proves himself an erudite and capable exegete in "Christ's 
Little Ones. " Whether or not one agrees with his conclusions, his 
methodology is superb. 

Perhaps the forthcoming volume will rectify the fact that no index 
is included. Apart from that technical criticism, however, the book 
commands highest praise and its contents will be its own commendation. 

Jeff Imbach 
Winona Lake, Indiana 

THE BIBLE AS LITERATURE By T. R. Henn. Oxford University 

Press, New York, 1970. 270 pp. $7.00, cloth. 

Professor Henn of Cambridge University has written a suggestive, 
rather erudite essay on a subject which continues to pick up momentum 
in literary and educational circles. Following such prominent figures 
as Sir James Frazer, Carl Jung, Maud Bodkin, and Northrop Frye, he 
seeks, in effect, to "re-mythologize" the Bible by applying archetypal, 
or myth criticism to the Scriptures. "So far from attempting to de- 
mythologize, we may be grateful for the massive and continuous enrich- 
ment by the mythologems [a term he uses to avoid the pejorative associ- 
ations of "myth"] of the human imagination" (p. 257). Thus he sees the 
Bible as a series of variegated patterns: "In succession we have the 
archetypal patterns of myth; the dangerous journey, the ordeal, conquest 
and defence, subjection and captivity" (p. 31). The various images of 
the Bible, according to Henn, have become invested with the values of 
symbol in the instance of such simple archetypes as tree, river, fire 
clay, wine, thorns, honey, serpent. Leviathan, and garden. "These 
are often linked to basic, recurrent, and apparently universal symbols . 
which suggest conscious or subliminal meanings in many literatures" 
(p. 63). To explore such associations with the tools of literary criti- 
cism is the over-arching purpose of the book. 

In conformity with his apparent conviction (along with Frye) that 
literature is an autonomous verbal universe that generates its own cor- 
respondingly autonomous criticism, the author adopts his stance at the 
outset: "It would, I think, have been impossible to retain any critical 


integrity if one were to accept the position of complete verbal inspira- 
tion" (p. 19), As far as Henn is concerned, when read as the unique 
tribal record of the protoplastic pattern of the collective imagistic un- 
consciousness of the race, we note the Bible's oneness with other crea- 
tive literature and "achieve a kind of liberation from the need to con- 
sider it as fact, or history, or as inerrant authority .... We are 
free to jettison parts of it, as we do of Milton or of Wordsworth" (p. 258). 
The author recognizes, however, that "this ... is in no sense a sub- 
stitute for the Christian view .... It cannot, I think, lead us to the 
Christian apprehension. For this we need a different, higher type of 
insight" (p. 259). 

The first five chapters present an overview of Professor Henn's 
general literary approach to the Bible. After his definitive "Introduction' 
(here he stipulates that in the creative encounter where subjective human 
need and objective traditional images meet in mythologems and arche- 
types there is the co-operation of the divine influence, the Grace of God), 
several chapters are devoted to a broad, but personal treatment of the 
familiar literary conventions: themes, language, style, and imagery. 
More specific analysis is then provided for a wide sampling of materials 
in the Bible: ballad and songs; the persuasive techniques of Christ, Paul 
the Apostle, and Isaiah; the Psalms; Job; Proverbs; prophecy; and char- 
acter and action. Chapter Fourteen, "Imitation, " is of interest for its 
survey of the "many ways in which English writers have made use of 
the Bible, directly or obliquely" (p. 230). The concluding chapter sum- 
marizes the several values of the Bible (religious, ethical, historical, 
personal), again with emphasis on the cleavage between a spiritual and 
the literary study of the Bible. Such a dichotomy, in the judgment of 
this reviewer, need not exist. 

Complete with bibliography, list of versions, and index, the book 
will offer provocative reading and discussion for advanced students of 
literature and theology. The bibliographical entry for Maud Bodkin's 
first listed work on Page 21 should read Archetypal Patterns in Poetry , 
not Pott ery . 

E. J. Love lady 
Grace College 


ing House, Grand Rapids, 1968. $14.95, 1848 pp. 

No other printed work fills the exact purpose of this concord- 
ance. The "expanded" concordance covers the key words from six 
modern Bible translations and the King James Version (KJV) including 
words from The New Scofield Reference Bible. Versions, much pro- 
liferated in our times, are here to stay, and this multi-version reference 


will be helpful in its purpose. 

Zondervan published the concordance with tri-columns per page, 
nearly 1850 pages in all. Cross-reference is fast and easy for more 
than 250,000 entries. The subject word is in bold-faced type and gen- 
erously spaced. Each reference is identified by the Bible book as well 
as the chapter and verse. Key words are italicized. An interesting 
feature is to list certain modifiers with key words, e.g. one, one of 
them, one thing, as one, wicked one, etc. References from the ver- 
sions except the KJV are indicated by abbreviations found in the Preface. 
The sLx familiar versions chosen for this expanded work are the Ampli- 
fied Bible, the Berkeley Version, the American Standard Version, the 
New English Bible, Phillips, the Revised Standard Version and the New 
Scofield Bible. 

The publisher makes no attempt to identify words as to a Greek, 
Hebrew or Aramaic root. There is no attempt to separate Old Testa- 
ment words from New Testament words or to give a meaning with syn- 
onyms for the words. The reader may gain possible variations of mean- 
ing from the versions. 

Some readers may question the value of listing such references 
as "then" (pp. 1427-1441) and "without" (pp. 1778-1781). However, these 
references do have some possibilities for sermonic outlines. The pri- 
mary benefit of this concordance is to enable the reader to locate quickly 
a specific word in these familiar versions. 

James H. Gabhart 
First Baptist Church 
Chesterton, Indiana 


APOSTLES OF DENIAL. Bv Edmond Charles Gruss, Presbvterian and 
Reformed Publishing Company, Nutley, New Jersey, 1970. 324 
pp. $6.50 (cloth). $4.50 (paper). 

Merrill. Zondervan Publishing House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 96 
pp. $1.95, paper. 

The Banner of Truth Trust, London 1970. 93 pp. $.75, paper. 

FROM GRACE TO GLORY. By Murdoch Campbell. TTie Banner of Truth 
Trust, London, 1970. 206 pp. $1.25, paper. 

Craig Press, Nutley, New Jersey, 1970. 146 pp. $2.50, paper. 

THE MARK OF THE CHRISTIAN. By Francis A. Schaeffer, Inter- Vai- 
sity Press, Downers Grove, Illinois, 1970. 35 pp. $.95, papei; 

TEN GREAT FREEDOMS. By Ernest Lange. Inter- Varsity Press, Down- 
ers Grove, Illinois, 1970 (reprinted). $1.95, paper. 

MY PARENTS ARE IMPOSSIBLE. By Walter Trobisch. Inter-Varsity 
Press, Downers Grove, Illinois. $.95 paper. 

THE SECRET SIGN. By Ethel Barrett. Regal Book Division, Gospel 
Light Publication, Glendale, California, 1970. 133 pp. $.69, paper. 

Regal Book Division, Gospel Light Publications, Glendale, Cali- 
fornia, 1970. 116 pp. $.95, paper. 

KID STUFF. Compiled by Eleanor L. Doan. Regal Book Divisions, 
Gospel Light Publications, Glendale, California, 1970. 124 pp. 
$.95, paper. 

LIVE, CHRISTIAN, LIVE! By Donald H. Gill. Regal Book Division, Gos- 
pel Light Publications, Glendale, California, 1970. 163 pp. $.95, 

REVIVAL FIRE. By Charles G. Finney. Dimension Books, Bethany Fel- 
lowship, Inc., Minneapolis, Minnesota. 96 pp. $.75, paper. 

PRAYING HYDE. By Francis McGaw. Dimension Books, Bethanv Fellow- 
ship, Inc., Minneapolis, Minnesota, 1970, 68 pp. $.75, paper. 

AMERICA'S GREAT REVIVALS. Reprinted from Christian Life Maga - 
zine. Dimension Books, Bethany Fellowship, Inc., Minneapolis, 
Minnesota. 95 pp. $.75, paper. 



CRISIS EXPERIENCES (in the lives of noted Christians). Edited by Dr. 
V. Raymond Edman. Dimension Books, Bethany Fellowship, Inc., 
Minneapolis, Minnesota. 96 pp. $.75, paper. 

Wilkerson. Bethany Fellowship, Inc. , Minneapolis, Minnesota, 
1968. 55 pp. $.39, paper. 

SO RESTLESS SO LONELY. By Bernard Palmer. Bethany Fellowship, 
Inc., Minneapolis, Minnesota, 1970. 160 pp. $2.95. 

CHRISTIAN FAMILY LIVING. By Edward C. May. Concordia Publish- 
ing House, Saint Louis, 1970. 121 pp. $2.24, paper. 

Zondervan Publishing House, Grand Rapids, 1967. 250 pp. $3.95. 

WORDS OF REVOLUTION. By Tom Skinner. Zondervan Publishing House; 
Grand Rapids, 1970. 171 pp. $3.95. 

COMPETENT TO COUNSEL. By Jay E. Adams. Presbyterian and Re- 
formed Publishing G. , Nutley, New Jersey, 1970. 287 pp. 

House, Grand Rapids, 1968. 128 pp. $1.95, paper. 

BIBLICAL SERMON GUIDE. By Lloyd M. Perry. Baker Book House, 
Grand Rapids, 1970. 121 pp. $4.95. 

A SHORTER LIFE OF CHRIST. By Donald Guthrie. Zondervan Publish- 
ing House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 186 pp. $2.45, paper. 

A STUDY GUIDE: 1,2,3 JOHN. By Curtis Vaughan. Zondervan Pub- 
lishing House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 139 pp. $1.50, paper. 

Anderson. Zondervan Publishing House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 
163 pp. $3.95. 

JOHN (A Self-Study Guide). By Irving L. Jensen, Moody Press, Chicago, 
1970. 112 pp. $1.50, paper. 

Gene A. Getz. Moody Press, Chicago, 1970. 383 pp. $5.95. 

LISTEN TO ME! By Gladys Hunt. Inter- Varsity Press, Downers Grove, 
111., 1970. 165 pp. $1.95, paper. 

LEARNING TO BE A WOMAN. By Kenneth G. Smith. Inter-Varsity 
Press, Downers Grove, 111., 1970. 118 pp. $1.50, paper, 

LEARNING TO BE A MAN. By Kenneth G. Smith. Inter-Varsity Press, 
Downers Grove, 111., 1970. 116 pp. $1.50, paper. 

Inter-Varsity Press, Downers Grove, 111., 1070. 129 pp. $1.25 

ONE PEOPLE. By John R. W. Stott. Inter-Varsity Press, Downers 
Grove, 111., 1970. 94 pp. $1.50, paper. 

dervan Publishing House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 272 pp. $6.95. 

WILLIAM FAULKNER (A Critical Essay). By Fr. Martin Jarrett-Kerr. 
William B. Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 1970. 48 pp. $.95, paper. 


CHRISTOPHER FRY. (A Critical Essay). By Stanley M. Wiersma. 

William B. Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 1970. 48 pp. $.95, paper. 
EZRA POUND (A Critical Essay). By Marion Montgomery. William B. 

Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 1970. 48 pp. $.95 paper. 
A NEW FACE FOR THE CHURCH. By Lawrence O. Richards. Zonder- 

van Publishing House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 288 pp. $5.95. 

House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 943 pp. $7.95. ($4.95, paper). 
THE EPISTLES OF JOHN. By W. E. Vine, Zondervan Publishing House, 

Grand Rapids, 1970. 128 pp. $1.95, paper. 
THOUGHTS FOR MEN ON THE MOVE. By Warren W. Wiersbe. Moody 

Press, Chicago, 1970, 128 pp. $2.95. 
EZRA, NEHEMIAH, ESTHER (A Self-Study Guide). By Irving L. Jensen. 

Moody Press, Chicago, 1970. 96 pp. $1.50, paper. 

Press, Chicago, 1970. 359 pp. $5.95. 
CONQUERING THE FEAR OF DEATH. By Spiros Zodhiates. Wm. B. 

Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, 1970, 869 pp. $9.95. 
JOHN STEINBECK. By John Clark Pratt. William B. Eerdmans, Grand 

Rapids, 1970. 48 pp. $.95, paper. 
cordia Publishing House, St. Louis, 1970. 125 pp. $2.75, paper. 

Concordia Publishing House, St. Louis, 1970. 102 pp. $1.95, 

THE REVIVAL IN INDONESIA. By Kurt Koch. Kregel Publications, 

Grand Rapids, 1970. 310 pp. $2.95, paper. 
IT'S YOUR MOVE. By Fritz Ridenour. Regal Book Division, Gospel 

Light Publications, Glendale, California, 1970. 170 pp. $.95, 

INTRODUCTING JACQUES ELLUL. Edited by James Y. Holloway. William 

B. Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 1970. 183 pp. $2,45, paper. 
A THEOLOGY OF THE HOLY SPIRIT. By Frederick Dale Bruner. Wil- 
liam B. Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 1970. 390 pp. $8.95. 
HOW TO PREACH TO PEOPLE'S NEEDS. By Edgar N. Jackson. Baker 

Book House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 191 pp. $2.95, paper. 
THE MINISTRY OF THE WORD. By G. Campbell Morgan. Baker Book 

House, Grand Rapids, 1970 (reprinted). 252 pp. $2.95, paper. 

Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, 1949. 250 pp. $2.95, paper. 

Sermons. Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, 1949. 243 pp. 

$2.95, paper. 

by Charles R. Wood. Kregel Publications, Grand Rapids, 1970. 

64 pp. $1. 50, paper. 



R. Wood. Kregel Publications, Grand Rapids, 1970. 64 pp. 

$1.50, paper. 

Press, Chicago, 1970. 392 pp. $5.95. 
CREATIVE BIBLE TEACHING. By Lawrence O. Richards. Moody Press, 

Chicago, 1970. 288 pp. $4.95. 
THE CHRISTIAN FAMILY. By Larry Christensen. Bethany Fellowship 

Inc., Minneapolis, Minn., 1970. 216 pp. $4.95. 
ALL THINGS MADE NEW. By Lewis B. Smedes. Wm. B. Eerdmans 

Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, 1970. 272 pp. $6.95. 

Charles Augustus Briggs. Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 

688 pp. $8.95. 

dervan Publishing House, Grand Rapids, 1970. 400 pp. $6.95. 
THE UNITED KINGDOM. By Charles F. Pfeiffer. Baker Book House, 

Grand Rapids, 1970. 92 pp. $3.95. 
GEORGE WHITEFIELD. Vol. 1. By Arnold Dallimore. The Banner of 

Truth Trust, London, 1970. 598 pp. $7.50. 
70 X 7 THE FREEDOM OF FORGIVENESS. By David Augsburgen 

Moody Press, Chicago, 1970. 128 pp. $2.95. 


I960 TO 1970 




1960 TO 1970 



Published by 








HOMER A. KENT, JR., Editor 

JOHN C. WHITCOMB, JR., Managing Editor 

S. HERBERT BESS, Book Review Editor 

GRACE JOURNAL is also indexed by 




FOR MOSHER LIBRARY (Dallas Theological Seminary) 

1960 - 1970 

SPRING, 1960 (Vol. 1,No. 1) 



Charles M. Home, "LET THIS MIND BE IN YOU" 

FALL, 1960 (Vol. 1, No. 2) 





WINTER, 1961 (Vol. 2, No. 1) 






SPRING, 1961 (Vol. 2, No. 2) 



FALL, 1961 (Vol. 2, No. 3) 

William R. Foster, JESUS MAY COME TODAY 



WINTER, 1962 (Vol. 3, No. 1) 




SPRING, 1962(Vol. 3, No. 2) 

Nickolas. Kurtaneck, EXCELLENCIES OF 

Richard G. Messner, ELISHA AND THE BEARS 


FALL, 1962{Vol. 3, No. 3) 


1. The Need and Nature of a Christian Philosophy of 


2. The Major Premise of Christian Education 

3. The Place of Music in Christian Education 

4. Christian Education in Relation to Teacher and Student 

WINTER, 1963(Vol. 4, No. 1) 




SPRING, 1963 (Vol. 4, No. 2) 

Edgar J. Lovelady, THE LOGOS CONCEPT 

FALL, 1963 (Vol. 4, No. 3) 


Bruce L. Button, THE JEW 

Charles L.Zimmerman, "TO THIS AGREE THE WORDS OF 

WINTER, 1964 (Vol. 5. No. 1) 


Nickolas Kurtaneck, "ACCURSED FROM CHRIST" 



SPRING, 1964 (Vol. 5. No. 2) 


1. The Commanding Importance of the Prophetic 


2. The Prophetic Word and Israel 

3. The Prophetic Word and the Nations 

4. The Prophetic Word and the Church 

FALL, 1964(Vol. 5, No. 3) 




WINTER, 1965(Vol. 6, No. 1) 




SPRING, 1965 (Vol. 6, No. 2) 


S. Herbert Bess, THE TERM "SON OF GOD" IN THE 


FALL, 1965 (Vol. 6, No. 3) 





WINTER, 1966 (Vol. 7, No. 1) 


William R. Foster, THE ACTS OF GOD 

SPRING, 1966 (Vol. 7, No. 2) 

Russell D. Barnard and Clyde K. Landrum, FOREIGN 





FALL, 1966 (Vol. 7, No. 3) 


1. Scripture-God-Breathed and Profitable 

2. What is the God-Breathed Scripture? 

3. The Bible and the Christian Faith 

4. A Modern View of the Bible 

WINTER, 1967 (Vol. 8, No. 1) 



SPRING, 1967 (Vol.8, No. 2) 






FALL, 1967 (Vol. 8, No. 3) 


1. Ecumenical Theology 

2. Global Iniquity 


WINTER, 1968 (Vol. 9, No. 1) 


3. Political Alignments 

4. Atheistic Dynamism 


FALL, 1968 (Vol. 9, No. 3) 

W. Harold Mare, THE SMALLEST MUSTARD SEED-Matthew 13:32 


* SPRING, 1968(Vol. 9, No. 2) 


WINTER, 1969 (Vol. 10, No. 1) 





Dl RECTI VE-Acts 1:8 

SPRING, 1969 (Vol. 10. No. 2) 

Martin H. Heicksen, TEKOA: EXCAVATIONS IN 1968 




FALL, 1969 (Vol. 10, No. 3) 

Edward E. Hindson, ISAIAH'S IMMANUEL 



WINTER, 1970 (Vol. 11, No. 1) 





SPRING, 1970 (Vol. 11, No. 2) 

Peter Greenhow, DID SAMUEL SIN? 

FALL, 1970 (Vol. 11, No. 3) 


George M. Harton, THE MEANING OF II KINGS 3:27 


Available only to Librarians for binding.